AN  HISTORICAL  COMMENTARY  OF  EDMOND 
ROSTANDS  L’AIGLON 


BY 


RUTH  LORENA  LEWMAN 
A.  B.  James  Millikin  University,  1915 


THESIS 

Submitted  in  Partial  Fulfillment  of  the  Requirements  for  the 

Degree  of 

MASTER  OF  ARTS 
IN  ROMANCE  LANGUAGES 

IN 

THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL 

OF  THE 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


1921 


UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 


THE  GRADUATE  SCHOOL 


J HEREBY  RECOMMEND  THAT  THE  THESIS  PREPARED  UNDER  MY 

SUPERVISION  BY Ruth  Lorena  Lewman 

ENTITLED  An  Historical  Commentary  of  .Edmond  Rostand's 

L’A-iglon 

BE  ACCEPTED  AS  FULFILLING  THIS  PART  OF  THE  REQUIREMENTS  FOR 
THE  DEGREE  OF  Master  of  Arts _____ 


Recommendation  concurred  in* 


Committee 

on 

Final  Examination* 


^Required  for  doctor’s  degree  but  not  for  master’s 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2015 


https://archive.org/details/historicalcommenOOIewm 


CONTENTS 

Page 

I.  Rostand  and  the  Drama 1 

II*  Historical  Background  of  1 'Aiglon 9 

III.  The  Duke  of  Reichstadt  in  History 16 

IV.  The  Duke  of  Reichstadt  in  Rostand's  Drama 29 

V.  Metternich 48 

VI.  Historical  Hotes 53 

Bibliography . 6g 


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I.  ROSTaND  and  the  drama. 


Edmond  Rostand,  poet  and  dramatist,  was  born  at  Mar- 
seilles on  ixpril  1,  1868.  His  father  was  a man  of  wealth  and  cul- 
ture, and  a classical  scholar.  Edmond  went  to  school  in  Marseilles 
and  later  in  Paris  where  he  studied  law.  although  he  received  the 
degree  of  licencid , his  main  efforts  were  directed  to  literature. 
Very  early  he  showed  a taste  for  poetry  and  in  1890  brought  out 
■lQS  Musardises.  That  same  year  he  published  a little  comedy,  les 
Pierrots . Subsequently  appeared  les  Romanesques  (1894),  la 
Princesse  Lointaine  (1895 ) , la  Samaritaine  (1897 ) , Cyrano  de  Ber- 
gerac (1897),  I’aiglon  (1900),  and  Chantecler  (1910).  after  I’^ig- 
on  account  of  his  poor  health,  he  built  a home  in  the  Pyrenees 
where  he  lived  most  of  the  time  until  his  death,  December  2,  1918. 
In  1890  he  married  Rosemonde  Gerard,  who  was  also  a poet.  In  1901 
he  was  elected  to  the  French  academy,  and  in  1911  he  became  com- 
mander of  the  Legion  of  Honor. 

”Les  Musardises  are  the  poems  of  a young  man  expressing 
his  feeling  for  the  need  of  spiritual  and  emotional  freedom.  He 
delighted  in  light  and  air,  color  and  contour.  He  reveled  in  the 
rapid  alternation  of  feelings  involved  in  the  change  of  mood  and 
the  mingling  of  the  sentimental  and  the  witty: 

1 Je  vais  jouant  du  triste  et  du  gai  tout  ensemble... 

Mais  toujour s ce pendant  qu’il  [his  heart]  fait  sa  plainte 

sourde , 

Sifflote  mon  esprit,  ce  galoubet  moqueurl’ 


More  than  all  he  showed  how  he  prized  the  power  of  the  spirit  and 
the  heart  to  protect  him  against  material  realities  and  the  mockery 
of  disillusion: 

'Ce  qu'il  faut  pouvoir,  ce  qu'il  faut  savoir, 

C'est  garder  son  r§ve... 

C'est  d'avoir  des  yeux  qui  voyant  le  laid, 

Voient  le  beau  quand  meme; 

C'est  savoir  rester,  parmi  ce  qu’on  hait 
Aveo  ce  qu'on  aime.' 

While  developing  them  further,  Rostand  always  remained  true  to 
these  early  characteristics.  In  his  later  work  we  find  an  imagina- 
tion kindled  by  the  senses,  and  sometimes  even  serving  to  stimulate 
as*" 

thenr,a  need  of  emotion  both  gay  and  sa*d,  and  the  unfailing  con- 
viction that  living  is  made  worth  while  only  by  man's  disinterested 
devotion  to  his  dreams."  We  find  his  more  important  dramas  work- 
ing out  this  early  ideal.  Garder  son  reve , voir  le  beau  quand 
mQme  are  the  purpose  and  achievement  of  his  heroes. 

His  whole  idea  as  a writer  was  absolutely  irreconcilable 
to  the  prevailing  love  of  blague  in  France,  which  was  insupportable 
to  him.  He  was  disgusted  with  the  cynicism,  sensuality,  and  mock- 
ery that  seemed  the  only  representation  of  French  literature.  The 
determinism  and  naturalism  of  Sardou,  Augier,  and  Dumas  fils  were 
alike  distasteful  to  this  immaterial  singer  of  dreams  quand  m§me. 

He  was  more  advanced  than  the  old  in  drama,  more  conservative  than 

1 

Spiers,  a.  G.  H. , in  the  Introduction  of  his  edition  of 
Cyrano  de  Bergerac , pp.  x-xi. 


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the  new,  and  belonged  to  no  particular  achool.  Respite  the  pre- 
vailing materialism,  there  was  a current  in  music,  painting, 
philosophy,  and  literature  which  had  already  started  to  make  a 
closer  contact  between  the  soul  and  the  exterior  world  on  the  one 
hand  and  imagination  on  the  other;  and  to  make  an  appeal  to  the 
emotions  and  the  feelings  rather  than  to  the  mind.  It  is  evident 
that  Rostand  belongs  to  this  current,  both  by  his  protest  against 
materialism  and  disillusionment,  and  by  his  praise  and  observance 
of  the  lyric  life. 

There  was  harmony  between  this  protest  and  praise,  and 
the  manner  in  which  Rostand  composed  his  dramas.  His  intentions 
and  aspirations  gave  birth  to  a new  technic.  Ho  dramatist  of 
Rostand's  ability  and  popularity  has  succeeded  in  producing  plays 
composed  so  exclusively  of  lyric  idealism.  In  his  Discours  on  the 
needs  of  the  modern  stage  he  said,  "II  feut  un  thdatre  ou,  exaltant 
avec  du  lyrisme,  moralisant  avec  de  la  beautd , consolant  avec  de 
la  grace,  les  poetes,  sans  le  faire  expr&s,  donnent  des  lepons 
d'ame."  There  is  a definite  philosophy,  a certain  principle  of 
human  action,  underlying  all  his  work.  He  has  endowed  his  main 
characters  with  definite  traits,  yet  he  doesn't  believe  he  can  de- 
termine exactly  the  eifect  of  the  contact  of  these  characters. 

He  believes  in  the  power  of  suggestion,  especially  of  contagion. 
"All  his  typical  heroes  are  exuberant,  borne  along  by  the  urge  of 
an  inner  pressure  to  glorify  material  aspirations.  They  do  not 
argue,  they  do  not  prove,  they  have  no  tangible  well  defined  action 
upon... the  character  acting  opposite  them,  yet  their  influence  on 
those  about  them  is  great , and  in  each  play  there  appears  by  the 


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side  of  the  hero  another  personage ...  turned  away  from  a conven- 
tionally material  or  frivolous  conception  of  life  by  association 

1 

with  this  hero  and  the  human  appeal  of  his  enthusiasm."  Even  in 
failure,  his  heroes  are  optimistic,  triumphant.  They  live  as 
ideals,  for  Rostand  has  made  his  work  an  appeal  to  our  mind,  feeling, 
and  imagination.  He  has  transfigured  reality.  His  dominating 
power  is  his  imagination,  the  imagination  of  interpreting  things, 
not  of  inventing  them.  He  has  made  his  heroes  radiant  with  an 
ideal  life;  he  has  endowed  them  with  a keenness  of  thought,  a nobil- 
ity of  feeling,  a beauty  of  action  which  we  all  experience  in  our- 
selves in  our  best  moments. 

Eor  Rostand,  life  is  a reflection  of  the  soul  and  he 
makes  the  soul  the  heroine  of  his  theater.  His  works  have  a sub- 
lime, emotional,  thrilling,  transporting  power.  Eor  indeed  his 
world  is  transported  to  a spiritual  plane.  There  is  something  al- 
most holy  in  the  way  Rudel,  Cyrano,  Chantecler,  and  the  due  de 
Reichstadt  transcend  the  material  with  their  infectious  idealism. 
These  personages  give  courage  to  meet  life  with  exaltation  of  soul. 
Their  spirit  has  dominated  the  misery  of  life  and  adorned  it  with 
the  magic  of  their  ideal.  ^.11  material  grosaness,  physical  or 
moral  ugliness,  all  the  evil  one  does  or  experiences  disappears  in 
the  land  of  story,  in  these  dream  characters,  in  the  brilliant 
thoughts  of  these  great  spirits.  At  bottom,  we  find  in  his  work 
the  cult  of  wise  gayety,  of  courageous  effort,  of  enthusiastic 

1 

Spiers,  a.  G.  H. , in  the  Introduction  of  his  edition  of 
Cyrano  de  Bergerac , pp.  xvii-xviii. 


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faith,  of  idealistic  love,  and  of  heroic  sacrifice.  Opposed  to 
these  noble  conditions  of  the  soul  is  the  opposite  condition. 

There  is  always  this  contrast  of  the  ideal  and  the  material,  with 
the  triumph  of  the  ideal.  That  is  the  Chanson  de  Rostand.  Rostand 
teaches  the  soul  without  seeming  to  do  so  as  a dogmatic  dictator. 

In  his  masterpieces  he  spoke  directly  to  the  conscience,  the  spirit, 
and  the  religious  life  of  man.  There  was  universal  acclaim  of  his 
work,  which  only  proved  that  under  all  the  materialism  and  self- 
ishness and  baseness  of  the  human  race,  there  is  a Soul.  The 
world  over,  his  dramas  have  awakened  in  theater-goers  a sympathy 
for  that  which  is  altruistic  and  idealistic,  and  a dislike  for  the 
selfish  and  the  material. 

Garder  son  rgve , voir  le  beau  quand  meme.  This  is  as 
true  of  lea  Romanesques  as  of  l'^iglon,  of  la  Princesse  Lointaine, 
as  of  Chantecler  or  Cyrano.  Percinet  and  Sylvette  continue  to 
love  each  other  with  all  the  romance  of  their  adventurous  court- 
ship , even  after  they  have  learned  that  their  adventures  were 
planned  by  their  shrewd  fathers,  who  hoped  by  this  means  to  bring 
them  together;  they  will  keep  their  dreams,  quand  meme . Similarly 
Chantecler  insists  quand  m§me  on  believing  to  the  end  in  the  use- 
fulness Ox  his  mission,  .although  he  is  disillusioned  when  he 

1 

_ _ Literary  criticism  is  not  all  enthusiastic  about  Rostand. 

Emile  Paguet  was  bored  with  much  of  1 1 Aiglon.  Although  he  could 
see  its  good  points,  he  objected  to  the  long  speeches,  the  repeti- 
tion of  ioeas,  and  the  lack  of  development  in  the  characters;  see 
his  Propos  de  Thdatre , vol.  4,  pp.  354-360.  Haraszti  also  gave 
_some_ unfavorable  criticism;  for  that  on  l'Aiglon  in  oarticulsr.  see 
his  Edmond  Rostand,  pp.  148-192. 


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learns  his  Growing  cannot  wake  the  dawn,  he  takes  heart  in  the  fact 


that  at  least  he  can  rouse  mankind  to  greet  the  sun.  Underlying 
the  whole  allegory  of  Chantecler  is  the  call  to  faith  and  enthusiasm,: 
the  indomitable  courage  of  the  worker,  the  glory  of  singing,  and 
the  aspiration  that  makes  it  glorious,  together  with  the  everlasting 
triumph  of  idealism  over  disillusion.  Chantecler  is  the  intense 
idealist  whose  mission  is  light  and  truth.  His  soul  is  aglow  with 
deep  human  sympathies  and  his  great  purpose  is  to  dispel  the  night. 

He  learns  the  greatest  of  all  truths,  that  "it  is  the  struggle  for, 

rather  than  the  attainment  of  the  ideal  which  must  forever  inspire 

1 

the  honest  idealist."  He  learns  too,  that 

"II  faut  un  rossignol  tou jours  dans  la  foret, 

Et  dans  l'£rae  une  foi  si  bien  habitude, 

2 

Qu’elle  y revienne  encore  apr&s  qu’on  l'a  tude." 

La  Princesse  Lointaine  is  the  story  of  Rudel,  an  ultra-romantic 
idealist,  who  turns  his  heart  to  the  far-away  princess  to  escape 
from  a world  which  he  finds  impossible  to  love.  He  lives  his  life 
in  quest  of  this  ideal,  ever  faithful  to  the  ideal  of  the  princess 

l 

whom  he  does  not  see  until  just  before  he  dies.  In  contrast  to  his 
intense  idealism  is  opposed  the  materialism  of  Squareiafioo  and 
Erasme.  The  story  is  symbolic  of  the  "eternal  aspiration  of  man- 
kind toward  the  ideal;  he  loves  it  on  the  strength  of  what  he 


1 

Goldman,  The  Social  Significance  of  the  Modern  Drama , 

p.  142. 

2 

Chantecler,  act  IV., Sc.  7;  Cf.  Suberville,  le  Thdatre 
d ’Edmond  Rostand , p.  75. 


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imagines  it  to  be,  he  risks  all  he  possesses  to  attain  it,  but  his 
strength  fails  as  he  nears  the  goal,  and  at  the  very  moment  he  is 
about  to  reach  it,  death  lays  him  low.  Happy,  nevertheless,  he  who, 
like  Rudel,  sees  his  dreams  realized  for  one  instant,  even  though 

it  be  the  last,  and  who  dies  carrying  away  on  his  lips  the  kiss  for 

1 

which  he  has  given  his  life.’*  In  Cyrano  de  Bergerac  he  has  created 
a character  which,  although  chosen  from  history,  has  become  an  ideal. 
His  soul  is  hidden  behind  a grotesque  physical  exterior.  He  loves, 
but  is  ugly  and  suffers  because  his  desires  can  never  be  realized. 
There  is  the  conflict  between  the  soul  and  the  physical.  Cyrano  is 
successful,  even  in  his  failure,  for  Roxane  realizes  it  is  the  soul 
of  Cyrano , not  of  Christian,  which  she  loves.  Cyrano  is  love  and 
chivalry,  poetry,  mirth,  and  courage;  he  is  also  poverty,  want, 
abandonment,  and  worldly  failure.  This  hero  of  dreams  and  immater- 
ial aspirations  becomes  a man  after  our  own  hearts;  and  ’’there  lin- 
gers with  us  a sufficient  glimmer  of  his  vision  to  shed,  temporarily 

at  least,  a new  light  upon  life  and  change  our  sense  of  the  relative 

2 

values  of  our  own  skepticism  and  Rostand's  idealism." 

In  I 'iiiglon , too,  Rostand  has  presented  us  with  a char- 
acter dominated  with  a passion  he  cannot  realize.  The  due  de  Reich- 
stadt  is  an.  idealist  of  the  first  order  struggling  against  a destiny 

1 

Quoted  from  Gaston  Paris  by  Borgerhoff,  in  the  Intro- 
duction of  his  edition  of  la  Pr incesse  Lointa ine , pp.  vi-vii. 

2 

Spiers,  a.  G.  H.,  in  Introduction  of  his  edition  of 
Cyrano , p.  xxv. 


-8- 

he  oannot  conquer*  Metternich  represents  the  opposing  force,  the 
physical.  It  is  he  who  constantly  forces  the  duke  to  think  of  his 
Austrian  heritage  of  weakness,  he  who  makes  the  Austrian  environment 
so  difficult  for  the  prince.  The  soul  of  the  duke  triumphs  even 
in  the  face  of  the  defeat  of  his  ambitions.  He  will  die  in  expia- 
tion of  the  losses  made  for  his  father's  success  since  he  cannot 

1 

live  to  regain  his  father's  power. 


Cf.  chapter  IV  of  this  study  for  further  discussion. 


c *.  OS  iliJHtf  * 

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II.  HISTORICAL  BACKGROUND  OF  L'aIGLON. 


The  familiar  and  ever  interesting  story  of  Napoleon's 
regime  with  its  roots  in  the  French  Revolution,  and  of  the  later 
reactionary  program  of  Metternich  in  Austria  as  the  practical  dic- 
tator in  Europe,  makes  the  historical  background  of  Rostand's 
drama  l'Aiglon.  The  hero  is  Napoleon's  son.  the  Duke  of  Reich- 
stadt,  whom  history  curtly  mentions  as  a "young  prince,  half-Habs- 

burg  and  half-Bonaparte,  who  was  destined  to  drag  out  a weary  and 

1 

futile  existence  among  enemies  and  spies."  Napoleon,  the  obscure 
Corsican  with  his  peculiar  genius  and  power  had  come  into  France 
at  an  opportune  time  and  had  taken  the  lead  in  perpetuating  the  re- 
forms of  the  French  Revolution.  The  old  regime  of  absolutism  and 
social  injustice,  poverty  and  suffering  of  the  masses  had  been  shat- 
tered. The  Republic  had  been  declared  in  1792.  France  was  then 
for  a time  in  anarchy.  The  European  powers,  afraid,  had  joined  in 
coalition  against  her.  Republican  efficiency  had  dispelled  the 
trouble,  and,  in  order  to  silence  the  enemies  of  the  republic,  had 
brought  on  the  Reign  of  Terror  in  1794.  In  1795  the  first  Republican 
Constitution  had  been  drawn  up  and  the  executive  power  vested  in  a 
board  of  five  directors  which  lasted  until  1799. 

In  1796  Napoleon,  until  this  time  not  conspicuous  in 
politics  or  in  war,  married  Josephine  de  Beauharnais,  the  widow  of 
a revolutionary  general  and  an  intimate  friend  of  one  of  the  Direc- 

1 

Hayes,  vol.  1,  p.  555. 


< 

t 

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t 


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tors.  This  marriage  ”betuered  his  chanties  of  indulging  his  fond- 

1 

ness  for  politics  and  his  genius  for  war.”  In  1796  and  1797 
Napoleon's  successful  campaign  into  Italy  made  him  suddenly  the 
most  talked  of  man  in  Europe;  applauded  by  the  people,  feared  by  the 
government.  As  respect  for  the  Directors  decreased,  trust  in  Na- 
poleon's strength  increased.  The  Directoire  planned  the  Egyptian 
Campaign  in  1798,  which  sent  Napoleon  to  Egypt,  although  this  cam- 
paign was  not  deoisive,  it  was  spectacular,  and  he  gained  immensely 
in  personal  reputation.  During  this  time  a second  coalition  against 
Prance  had  been  made,  and  the  French  were  hard  pressed.  On  his 
return  France  was  no  longer  prosperous  and  victorious,  but  bankrupt 
and  defeated.  His  trip  to  Paris  was  a triumphal  procession  and  it 
was  only  a step  to  the  overthrow  of  the  Directory,  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Consulate,  and  his  election  as  First  Consul  in  1799, 
which  virtually  ended  the  war  and  supplanted  democracy  with  mili- 
tarism. 

Certain  characteristic  qualities  of  the  young  general, 

as  well  as  the  opportunity  offered  at  that  time  in  French  politics, 

were  responsible  for  his  remarkable  success.  "His  supreme  quality, 

the  quality  which  endeared  him  to  the  French  masses  as  did  no  other 

quality,  was  that  of  untiring  industry;  laborious,  self-initiated, 

£ 

self-guided,  self-improving  industry.”  He  was  thoroughly  con- 


1 

Hayes,  vol.  1,  p.  514. 

E 

Sloane , W.  M.  , ”The  Life  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte , ”vol.  4, 

p.  £47. 


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vino  ed  of  his  own  abilities,  ambitious,  selfish,  egotistic,  always 
planning  how  he  might  become  world-famous.  He  was  a keen  observer 
and  a clever  critic.  He  was  a politician  to  the  extent  of  being 
unscrupulous.  But  he  was  human,  a man  of  the  people,  and  made  him- 
self the  idol  of  his  soldiers. 

From  1799  to  1814  the  history  of  Europe  was  the  history 
of  France,  the  biography  of  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  From  1799  to  1804 
the  country  remained  a republic,  during  which  time  Napoleon  consoli- 
dated his  power  and  fashioned  the  nature  of  the  lasting  gains  of 
the  Revolution.  "He  took  the  revolutionary  ideas  of  political, 
civil,  and  religious  emancipation:  with  these  he  commingled  both  his 
own  sound  sense  and  the  experience  of  advisers  from  every  class, 

realizing  as  much  of  civil  liberty  and  good  order  as  appears  to  have 

1 

been  practical  at  the  moment."  From  1804  to  1814  France  was  an 
empire,  maintained  by  military  force,  during  which  period  Napoleon, 
self-crowned  Napoleon  I,  emperor  of  the  French,  by  means  of  war, 
conquest,  annexation,  or  alliance  spread  the  ideas  of  his  country 
far  and  wide. 

He  reached  the  pinnacle  of  his  fame  in  1808,  and  was 
emperor  of  an  enormous  territory  with  practically  all  of  Europe  at 
his  feet.  A third  coalition  begun  in  1805  had  not  been  able  to 
overthrow  him.  Although  Great  Britain  remained  mistress  of  the  sea, 
she  lost  on  land.  In  1805  Napoleon's  army  administered  an  over- 
whelming and  humiliating  defeat  to  austria  at  Austerlitz.  In  1806 

1 

Sloane,  vol.  4,  p.  260. 


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they  defeated  Prussia  at  Jena,  in  1807  Russia  at  Priedland,  and  in 
1808  they  defeated  Sweden.  Prom  then  on,  his  power  began  to  show 
signs  of  waning.  He  met  his  first  serious  opposition  in  Spain  when 
the  people  resisted  and  precipitated  the  Peninsular  war  which 
lasted  until  1813.  Austria  took  heart  from  this  and  rebelled,  only 
to  suffer  another  humiliating  defeat  at  Wagram  in  1809.  This  was 
a hard-fought,  bloody  battle,  which,  though  not  a rout  like 
Austerlitz,  was  sufficiently  decisive  for  Austria  to  accept  an 
armistice  and  sign  a treaty,  by  the  terms  of  which  she  lost  heavily 
in  territory  and  in  money.  Shortly  afterward,  Napoleon  secured 
a divorce  from  Josephine  and  arranged  a marriage  with  Marie  Louise, 
the  daughter  of  Emperor  Prancis  I of  Austria.  The  first  marriage 
would  have  been  completely  happy  had  there  been  an  heir.  It  was 
frankly  to  secure  an  heir  that  Napol9on  married  Marie  Louise  in 
1810.  He  hoped  also  that  this  alliance  would  conciliate  Austria, 
but  though  outwardly  friendly,  Austria  remained  hostile  at  heart. 
When  at  last  a son  was  born,  all  of  Prance  rejoiced.  The  father's 
joy  and  pride  were  unbounded.  The  child  received  the  proud  appel- 
lation of  King  of  Rome. 

Meanwhile  the  reaction  against  Napoleon  increased.  In 
1812  relations  with  Russia  were  broken,  and  Napoleon  suffered  a 
terrible  reverse  that  wTinter  in  his  retreat  after  having  occupied 
Moscow,  jx  final  coalition  which  included  Austria  precipitated  the 
crucial  Battle  of  the  Nations  at  Leipzig  in  1813,  vrhich  marked  the 
collapse  of  Napoleon's  power  outside  of  Prance.  Not  content  with 

peace ,_ but_ seeking_ a decisive  victory,  Napoleon  pressed  on  only 

1 

Marie  Louise  (1791-1847). 


. 


* 


. 


t • { ' — 

< 

c 

8 

' 


-13- 


to  be  finally  defeated,  when  the  Austrians  invaded  France  in  1814.  j 
It  was  only  after  much  stubborn  fighting  that  Napoleon  finally  sur- 
rendered. At  Paris  he  signed  a personal  treaty  by  which  he  abdi- 
cated his  throne  and  renounced  all  rights  to  France  for  himself  and 
his  family,  and,  in  return,  was  guaranteed  full  sovereignty  of  the 
island  of  Elba,  and  an  annual  pension  of  two  million  francs  for 
himself;  the  Italian  duchy  of  Parma  was  conferred  upon  the  Empress 
Marie  Louise  and  pensions  of  two  and  one  half  million  francs  were 
promised  for  members  of  his  family.  The  Bourbons  were  then  restored 
in  France  with  Louis  XVIII,  brother  of  Louis  XVI,  as  Xing. 

At  Elba,  Napoleon,  although  supreme  ruler,  felt  practically 
an  outcast;  letters  to  his  wife  and  son  were  intercepted,  and  his 
revenue  held  back.  Filled  with  these  grievances,  and  aware  that 
France  was  discontented  with  the  Bourbons  and  that  the  nations  were 
quarreling  among  themselves,  Napoleon  planned  his  escape.  On  March 
1,  1815  he  landed  at  Cannes  with  an  army  of  eleven  hundred  men. 

From  there  he  set  out  for  the  North,  and  was  joined  on  the  way  by 
hundreds  of  the  peasantry.  By  the  time  he  reached  Grenoble  he  was 
received  with  great  enthusiasm  by  everyone,  even  the  soldiers  of 

I 

the  Xing.  From  there  to  Paris,  his  way  was  easy.  The  people 
thronged  to  his  side;  for  them  he  was  the  apostle  of  nationality  J 

and  popular  sovereignty  over  France.  The  Xing's  forces  deserted  J 

him,  and  he  fled  the  country.  Napoleon  immediately  turned  to  the 
business  of  internal  affairs,  but  was  interrupted  by  the  specter  of 
foreign  war.  The  European  dynasties  forgot  their  differences  and 
joined  to  extirpate  the  Napoleonic  rdgime  as  a measure  of  self- 


' 

. 

, -•  t t < 

I 

! 


« 

5 


« 


-14- 


' 

defense.  They  rushed  troops  against  the  French,  and  on  June  18, 

1815  at  Waterloo,  Napoleon  was  defeated.  His  reign  of  a Hundred 

Days  was  ended  a few  days  later,  when  on  June  ZZ  he  abdicated  in 

favor  of  his  son,  whom  he  proclaimed  Emperor  of  the  French  with 

the  title  of  Napoleon  II.  On  July  15  he  surrendered  himself  to  the 

English,  who  sent  him,  a prisoner,  into  exile  on  the  island  of 

Saint  Helena,  where  he  died  on  May  5,  1831.  already  at  the  time  of 

his  death  his  history  had  begun  to  assume  the  form  of  a legend. 

’’The  more  his  memory  was  revered  as  the  noble  martyr  of  Saint  Helena, 

the  more  truth  withdrew  into  the  background,  and  fiction  stepped  into 

the  limelight.  His  holocausts  of  human  life  were  forgotten,  only 

the  glory,  the  unconquerable  prowess  of  his  arms  was  remembered. 

From  a selfish  despot  Napoleon  was  returning  to  his  mightier,  if 

1 

humbler  position,  as  a child  of  the  people.” 

The  era  from  1815  to  1830  in  Europe  is  known  as  the  era 
Z 

of  Metternich.  This  statesman  was  of  a distinguished  family  and 
had  risen  rapidly  to  a position  of  great  political  importance,  not 
only  in  Austria  where  he  was  prime  minister  with  free  sway  under 
Francis  I,  but  in  all  of  Europe,  where  thanks  to  his  well-planned 
and  careful  diplomacy,  he  became  practical  arbiter  after  Napoleon's 
withdrawal.  In  1814-5  he  had  dominated  the  Congress  of  Vienna 
which  had  assembled  to  settle  territorial  problems.  The  Quadruple 
alliance  of  1815  organized  to  preserve  peace  and  order  had  been 
wholly  under  his  dictation.  From  the  first  he  had  disliked  the 

1 

Hayes,  p.  573. 

a 

Metternich  (1773-1859). 


« 

fc  • 

. 


__ 


I 


-15- 


French  Revolution  and  hated  Napoleon.  His  whole  influence  was 
consequently  lent  to  the  conservative  and  reactionary  side  in  an 
effort  to  stem  the  ideas  of  the  Revolution  and  perpetuate  the  old 
rdgime . 

In  France  the  Bourbon  king,  Louis  XVIII,  sat  on  a rather 
insecure  throne  between  two  antagonistic  parties,  the  Royalists 
and  the  Liberals,  .at  his  death  in  1824  after  a reign  of  modera- 
tion, the  ultra-Royalis ts , who  had  been  gradually  increasing  in 
power,  became  dominant  with  a decidedly  reactionary  program  when 
Charles  X,  brother  of  Louis  XVIII,  became  king.  The  reactionary 
rule  of  the  new  king  soon  became  exceedingly  unpopular.  Men  of 
business,  Napoleonic  veterans,  and  Liberal  idealists  arrayed  them- 
selves against  his  rdgime.  Incensed,  Charles  issued  the  July  or- 
dinances which  brought  on  the  July  Revolution  of  1830  and  caused 
his  abdication  in  favor  of  his  grandson.  This  ended  divine-right 
monarchy  in  France.  Republican  and  Liberal  bourgeoisie  were  about 
to  have  an  armed  conflict  when  Louis-Philippe  was  acclaimed  king. 
This  reign  is  known  as  the  Orleans  monarchy,  .although  he  belonged 
to  a collateral  branch  of  the  Bourbons,  he  did  not  share  their 
political  principles.  The  tricolor  replaced  the  white  flag,  and 
popular  sovereignty  the  theory  of  monarchical  absolutism. 


. V 

' 

. 

r i m 

« 


. 


.. 


. 


. 


■ 


III.  the  DUKE  OF  REICHSTADT  IK  HISTORY. 


H 


Let  us  now  turn  to  the  personal  history  of  the  little 
King  of  Rome,  for  whom  such  a glorious  future  had  been  planned,  hut 

who  was  destined  to  play  such  a negligible  part  in  the  affairs  of 

1 

the  world. 

When  Napoleon  had  been  sentenced  to  Elba,  Emperor  Francis 
had  asked  that  Marie  Louise  and  her  son  be  brought  to  Austria,  ac- 
cordingly they  went  to  Schoenbrunm,  where  they  lived  as  members  of 
the  Imperial  household  of  Francis  I.  Marie  Louise's  position  was 
a very  difficult  one.  She  had  been  the  victim  of  the  political  am- 
bitions of  two  ruthless  emperors;  she  had  been  sacrificed  by  the 
one  to  favor  his  country,  bought  by  the  other  to  bear  him  a son, 
and  incidentally,  ally  him  with  Austria.  At  first  she  was  accused 
of  planning  secretly  with  her  husband.  Political  intrigue  strove 
at  estranging  her  from  Napoleon,  and  succeeded.  She  was,  in  her 
father’s  eyes,  and  in  the  eyes  of  Metternich,  not  an  Austrian  Arch- 


1 

The  material  for  this  history  of  the  duke  is  taken  from 
Wertheimer,  The  Duke  of  Reichstadt.  The  table  of  contents  is  as 
follows: 

I.  Napoleon's  Second  Marriage 

II.  Birth  of  King  of  Rome 

III.  Dow/nfall  of  the  Empire 

IV.  Prince  of  Parma 

V.  Attempted  Abduction  of  Prince 

VI.  Napoleon  II 

VII.  The  Duke  of  Reichstadt 

VIII.  The  Duke  of  Reichstadt 's  Education 

IK.  The  Political  Situation  of  The  Duke  of  Reichstadt 
K.  Illness  and  Death 
KI.  Characteristics 


c 

. 

( 

* 

■ ■ ■.  - l h*.  'nQtilq"''*o 


' 


-17- 


duchess,  daughter  of  Emperor  Francis,  but  the  wife  of  Napoleon,  who, 
though  in  exile,  was  most  dangerous  to  the  welfare  of  all  of  Europe. 
Count  Neipperg,  appointed  especially  to  watch  her  correspondence  and 
see  that  she  did  the  will  of  Metternich  and  Francis,  soon  won  her 
favor  and  entirely  supplanted  her  husband,  ia.ll  means  were  used  to 
foster  their  intimate  relationship  in  order  to  make  it  impossible 
for  her  to  act  without  his  entire  sanction,  which  would  always  ac- 
cord with  the  views  of  her  father.  Later,  she  was  secretly  mar- 
ried to  Neipperg  and  lived  afterwards  in  Parma,  most  of  the  time 
separated  from  her  son. 

Her  interests  were  like  a ball,  tossed  about  at  the  will 
of  the  allies.  Intrigue  after  intrigue  endangered  her  property. 

She  put  herself  and  her  child  wholly  into  the  hands  of  her  father, 
trusting  him  entirely  . But  Metternich  was  absolutely  unscrupulous 
concerning  Marie  Louise’s  interests.  All  of  his  political  moves 
in  the  socalled  interests  of  the  peace  of  Europe  were  made  at  no 
matter  what  cost  to  the  interests  of  Marie  Louise  and  her  son.  She 
was  gradually  deprived  of  everything  that  would  remind  her  of  her 
former  position,  of  everything  French,  even  of  her  title.  Finally 
she  was  bluntly  told  that  her  son  could  not  succeed  her  to  the  Duchy 
of  Parma.  She  was  too  completely  dominated  to  rebel,  and  acceded, 
sacrificing  her  son's  interest  out  of  filial  duty;  for  to  her,  the 
universal  good  ranked  higher  than  private  interest. 

Austria,  step  by  step,  divested  the  child  of  his  title, 
striving  to  reduce  him  to  the  rank  of  any  private  citizen  without 
political  importance.  However,  Marie  Louise  did  insist  upon  assur- 
ing her  son's  future  position  as  a rich  private  gentleman.  In  1818 


< < t 

« 

. - 

( 

, 


' 

, 


. 


« 

< 


-18- 


she  succeeded,  and  a decree  was  passed  declaring  him  to  be  the  Duke 
of  Reichstadt,  and  insuring  him  considerable  property  and  a good 
income.  The  severest  measures  were  taken  to  separate  him  from  all 
of  the  Napoleonists  and  their  followers. 

Some  of  the  enemies  of  the  Napoleonic  dynasty  wanted  the 
young  prince's  political  identity  eradicated.  There  were  sugges- 
tions made  that  he  should  be  forbidden  marriage,  or  that  he  should 
be  consecrated  to  the  Church.  Austria  was  fair,  however,  in  the 
education  provided  for  the  young  prince.  Although  she  robbed  him 
of  his  heritage  and  made  him,  who  should  have  been  brought  up  a 
Frenchman,  into  an  unwilling  Austrian,  she  did  it  in  all  sympathy 
and  kindness.  Every  effort  was  made  to  serve  the  best  interests 
of  Europe  and  Austria,  and  at  the  same  time  make  of  the  young 
prince  a respectable,  well-trained,  capable  man  who  could  be  happy 
as  a private  citizen. 

The  little  Napoleon  was  a beautiful  and  attractive  child 
of  exceptional  precocity.  He  was  very  impressionable,  and  had  an 
especially  retentive  memory  and  a vivid  imagination,  characteristics, 
perhaps,  which  had  much  to  do  with  his  future  unhappiness.  Though 
the  child  was  only  five  when  the  last  French  influences  were  re- 
moved, his  mind  was  full  of  the  stories  that  had  been  told  him  of 
the  glories  of  his  father’s  court,  .at  this  time,  three  tutors 
were  chosen  to  guide  the  boy’s  education;  Count  Maurice  Dietrich- 
stein,  a military  man  whose  parents  belonged  to  the  narrow  social 
circle  of  the  court;  Foresti,  a man  of  firm  character;  and  Collins, 
who  was  endowed  with  a special  capacity  to  approach  a child's 
understanding. 


t i 

• - '•  • Is- 

< 

, 

. 

c 

< 

' 

. 


c 


-19- 


Dietrichstein  set  himself  the  task  of  obliterating  all 
impressions  the  prince  might  have  of  his  former  existence,  that  he 
might  not  carry  with  him  an  exaggerated  idea  of  the  virtues  of  a 
nation  to  which  he  could  no  longer  belong.  It  was  desired  to  de- 
stroy early  in  life  any  illusions  he  might  have  acquired  about  his 
political  future,  hie trichstein  endeavored  to  do  this  as  kindly 
and  carefully  as  possible,  but  the  task  proved  to  be  quite  diffi- 
cult, for  the  prince  had  remembered  too  much.  His  mind  had  been 
filled  by  his  nurse  and  attendants  with  stories  of  his  father's 
glory.  He  was  not  naturally  disposed  to  candor,  and  under  this  new 
influence  he  grew  very  distrustful,  shy  and  reserved.  The  con- 
sciousness which  he  retained  of  lost  glory  and  of  misfortune 
robbed  him  of  the  ease  and  careless  happiness  which  should  belong  to 
the  life  of  a child.  He  grew  to  look  upon  one  not  French  as  an 
anemy.  Every  effort  was  made,  however,  to  save  him  from  being  an 
unhappy  alien  in  the  country  where  he  henceforth  had  to  live. 
Dietrichstein  wished  him  to  assimilate,  untrammelled  by  past  in- 
fluences, the  education  which  seemed  oest  fitted  to  give  him  hap- 
piness in  the  future. 

It  is  impossible  to  dispute  the  excellence  of  the  educa- 
;ion  given  to  the  young  Uapoleon,  nor  the  fact  that  it  was  cal- 
culated to  make  him  a capable  man.  Ho  methods  were  neglected  to 
levelop  his  great  gifts,  with  the  avowed  intention  that  they  should 
>e  devoted  to  the  service  of  his  new  fatherland.  The  prince  was 
. rather  difficult  pupil  to  deal  with.  He  was  often  refractory, 
•bstinate,  unruly,  not  a diligent  student,  and  abhorring  all  com- 
'Ulsion  and  restriction.  His  mind  was  as  mature  as  that  of  a child 


< 

■ 

* ' 


' , 

, 

. 


' 


-20- 


twice  his  age,  and  although  he  disliked  lessons,  he  displayed  a 
keen  interest  in  everything  read  to  him,  and  developed  rapidly. 

One  difficulty  at  first  was  that  he  was  forced  to  learn  in  German. 
However,  so  well  did  he  do  it,  even  though  unwillingly,  that  later 
he  had  to  take  pains  to  bring  back  his  French. 

His  tutors  had  sought  to  avoid  over  pressure,  but  they  had 
tried  to  lead  the  prince  to  treat  his  work  seriously.  He  was  made 
ready  for  the  Gymnasium  and  passed  the  examinations  for  entrance 
when  he  was  ten  years  old.  It  was  the  year  in  which  his  father 
died,  and  he  was  much  saddened.  In  1824  Collins  died  and  was  re- 
placed by  Obenaus,  a man  of  considerable  learning,  who,  with  a 
whole-hearted  devotion,  gave  himself  up  to  his  difficult  task,  the 
chief  aim  of  which  was  to  give  his  pupil  the  mental  and  spiritual 
direction  which  corresponded  best  with  his  birth  and  prematurely 
developed  talents.  He  really  endeavored  to  make  a capable  man  of 
the  prince.  Out  of  lesson  hours  he  tried  to  influence  the  develop- 
ment of  his  pupil  to  good  purpose.  The  duke’s  imagination,  which 
was  continually  at  work,  drew  his  mind  away  from  actuality  to  far- 
away regions  from  which  he  could  extricate  himself  only  by  a great 
effort,  already  he  dreamed  of  the  great  deeds  which  he  would  some 
day  accomplish;  and  to  him,  enthusiast  that  he  was,  regular  and 
quiet  study,  with  its  constraints,  was  pain  and  torment.  However, 
he  listened  with  great  interest  to  the  lectures  of  Obenaus  upon 
history,  statistics,  and  the  like. 


In  1829  the  period  of  his  father's  history  was  to  be  given. 
The  history  professor  made  great  preparations  for  this  critical 


, 


, 


« 

* 


» e , 


task.  Without  passion,  but  with  weight  and  dignity,  Obenaus  wished 
to  relate  to  the  prinoe  all  the  events  which  interested  him  so 
greatly,  and  touched  him  so  closely,  and  to  dampen  his  ardor  with 
the  needful  cool-headedness.  It  was  unanimously  decided  by  Metter- 
nich  and  the  tutors  to  picture  Napoleon  to  the  duke  as  the  victim 
of  "his  unbridled  lust  of  conquest.”  It  was  desired  that  he  should 
learn  the  story  of  his  father  as  he  acquired  mature  judgment,  so 
that,  surrounded  as  he  was  by  the  benevolent  care  of  his  grand- 
father, he  would  learn  it  in  such  a way  that  he  would  be  consoled 
for  the  apparent  losses  he  had  suffered.  His  grandfather,  especially, 
wished  that  the  duke  should  revere  the  memory  of  his  father,  whose 
great  qualities,  like  his  faults,  should  serve  the  duke  as  an 
example  of  what  to  emulate  and  what  to  avoid,  so  that  he  might 
escape  the  same  unhappy  consequences.  Metternich,  though  he  always 
talked  of  Napoleon  in  such  a way  as  to  vindicate  Austria's  atti- 
tude, did  not  treat  his  memory  from  a harsh  and  hostile  point  of 
view.  Until  death,  the  young  Napoleon  cherished  the  glorious 
traditions  of  his  father  as  his  most  cherished  possession.  How- 
ever, this  impassioned  love  for  his  father,  and  his  dreams  of  his 
own  vanished  greatness  came  rather  from  the  first  accounts  of  his 
loyal  French  nurse  and  attendants  and  his  own  vivid  imagination. 

All  through  the  prince’s  youth  he  had  been  zealously 
guarded.  There  were  many  rumors  of  plans  for  his  abduction.  In 
France  time  had  softened  the  bitter  remembrances  of  Napoleon’s 
reign;  only  the  glory  of  it  was  now  recalled.  All  minds  were  ren- 
dered susceptible  to  the  most  impracticable  rumors,  all  directed 


c e 

. :-lA 

■ 

. 

: « 

t 


to  one  aim,  the  restoration  of  the  Empire.  The  incapacity  of  the 
hot-blooded  Royalists  did  more  for  the  Empire  than  all  the  propa- 
ganda of  the  Bonapartists.  Napoleon's  death  had  only  served  to 
strengthen  the  interest  in  the  duke.  Although  in  Vienna  they  might 
say  there  was  no  Napoleon, only  Francis,  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt, 
this  made  little  impression  upon  the  zealous  French  Bonapartists  who 
were  displaying  Brisk  activity  in  favor  of  the  enthronement  of  the 

King  of  Rome.  Many  were  the  adherents  of  his  oarty,  who  ventured 

1 

into  Austria  to  work  for  the  duke's  cause.  Had  Metternich  and 
Francis  I been  willing  to  support  him,  undoubtedly  the  crown  would 
have  fallen  to  him.  The  agitation  in  his  favor  was  especially 
strong  between  1824  and  1831. 

The  young  duke  was  not  informed  of  all  this  interest  felt 
for  him  in  France.  Though  he  had  dreamed  constantly  of  ruling,  he 
did  not  know  that  the  French,  too,  were  dreaming  of  his  ruling. 

While  they  were  making  efforts  to  get  the  prince  that  he  might  be 
the  ruler  for  whom  public  opinion  was  clamoring,  the  prince,  all 
unaware  of  this,  was  secretly  preparing  himself  for  the  throne  he 
was  hoping  to  ascend  as  the  son  of  his  father. 

Since  it  was  almost  impossible  for  people  to  come  into 
immediate  contact  with  the  duke,  generally  accepted  opinions  have 
been  unjust  to  him.  Those  who  knew  him  best,  his  tutors  and  Pro- 


1 

Among  them  was  the  Countess  Camarata  the  account  of 
whose  enterprise  Rostand  has  modified  and  used  to  fit  his  dramatic 
purpose. 


- '•  . 

' 

. 

< 


. 


1 

kesch,  are  to  be  trusted  as  giving  the  most  truthful  information 
about  him.  To  judge  any  great  man  is  difficult,  but  to  judge  one, 
who,  though  highly  gifted,  filled  only  an  obscure  place  in  the  world, 
and  who  died  at  twenty-one,  is  more  difficult.  He  had  many  of  the 
qualities  that  go  to  make  a great  man,  but  lacked  the  opportunity 
to  become  one.  Though  he  craved  power,  at  the  decisive  moment  he 
shrank  from  the  use  of  such  means  as  alone  could  have  assured  its 
attainment.  He  always  found  one  last  insurmountable  difficulty,  and 
invariably  postponed  the  fulfilment  of  an  important  project  until 
a more  favorable  time. 

So  little  information  respecting  the  prince  reached  the 
outer  world  that  it  was  not  generally  known  whether  he  most  resembled 
Napoleon  or  the  Habsburgs.  Some  thought  one  way,  some  another. 
However,  most  of  his  contemporaries  agreed  that,  although  in  many 
respects  he  took  after  Marie  Louise,  it  was  easy  to  see  the  eagle 
glance  and  energetic  chin  of  his  father.  His  voice  recalled  that 


Prokesch  was  his  best  friend.  In  June,  1830,  Osten 
Prokesch,  a young  general,  recently  returned  from  the  Orient,  was 
invited  to  dinner  by  the  emperor.  He  sat  beside  the  Luke  of 
Reichstadt,  and  their  friendship  dates  from  that  time.  Each  was 
drawn  to  the  other,  Prokesch  attracted  by  the  young  duke's  ap- 
pealing personality,  the  duke  attracted  because  he  knew  Prokesch 
had  defended  Napoleon's  honor  when  all  the  world  was  calumniating 
him.  They  understood  each  other  from  the  first.  Prokesch  became 
the  duke's  most  loyal  counselor,  devoted  companion,  and  sincere 
friend.  He  wrote  a biography  of  the  prince.  See  Wertheimer,  pp. 
394-395. 

2 

Wertheimer,  p.  442. 


< « 


. 

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-24- 


1 

of  his  father.  Most  of  his  immediate  circle  stood  in  awe  of  the 
fiery  spirit  within  him  and  of  the  kindling  ambition  which  consumed 
his  w'hole  frame.  He  was  hot-headed,  vehement,  and  possessed  a 
quenchless  thirst  for  action.  He  could  not  endure  any  limit  im- 
posed upon  his  way  of  thinking,  ambition  dominated  his  imagination. 
Military  glory  seemed  the  most  desirable  thing  in  the  world.  He 
had  a great  passion  for  horses  and  riding.  Mounted  on  a thorough- 
bred he  could  forget  all  his  troubles.  The  troops  under  the 
prince  felt  instinctively  that  a born  leader  was  at  their  head.  On 

one  occasion  they  broke  their  usual  silence  and  hailed  him  with 

2 

ringing  cheers.  Though  he  was  of  such  lively  nature,  he  was  cour- 
teous and  engaging  and  kind  to  his  men,  and  won  affection  from  all. 
Those  who  came  in  contact  with  the  duke  praised  his  rare  intellec- 
tual gifts.  His  own  personality  carried  weight,  and  wherever  he 
appeared  he  attracted  attention,  not  only  as  the  son  of  the  great 
emperor,  but  because  of  his  own  brilliant  qualities. 

While  the  duke  was  the  center  of  so  much  interest,  he 
was  showing  signs  of  the  illness  which  caused  his  death.  During 
his  childhood  there  had  been  no  apparent  indications  that  disease 


1 

Wertheimer,  p.  443,  says  it  is  wrong  to  consider  the 
duke  a degenerate  Ilapoleon  because  of  his  Austrian,  heredity.  This 
is  contrary  to  accepted  tradition  about  the  young  duke,  for  he  is 
generally  regarded  as  a weakling.  Wertheimer,  however,  presents 
a reasonable  thesis,  backed  by  good  authorities,  that  the  duke's 
highly  imaginative  and  susceptible  nature  is  responsible  for  his  de 
cline.  He  inherited  this  nature  from  his  mother,  but  Wertheimer 
felt  that  his  environment  exaggerated  it,  and  that  a different  en- 
vironment might  have  overcome  it. 

2 

Incident  used  by  Rostand  in  1 'aiglon , Act.  I,  Sc.  5. 


. 

. 


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, ' ' 


, ' ' 
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-25- 


would  cut  him  off  in  his  youth.  He  had  been  an  unusually  strong 
and  healthy  child,  and  surprised  everyone  by  his  exuberant  physique. 
His  abnormally  rapid  growth  later  did  occasion  serious  anxiety, 
because  his  chest  did  not  develop  in  the  same  proportion,  the  first 
results  of  which  appeared  in  1827.  The  best  medical  advice  and 
care  were  of  course  immediately  given.  Many  of  his  one-time  plea- 
sures, fencing,  boxing,  riding,  etc.  were  forbidden  him.  Very  in- 
dependent and  strongwilled  and  much  opposed  to  all  prudential 
measures,  he  thirsted  for  freedom  and  independence.  He  chafed 
greatly  against  these  restrictions  and  his  governor  dreaded  nothing 
as  much  as  his  excitable  temperament.  His  mind  outran  his  physical 
powers  and  hindered  his  proper  development  and  recovery.  Everything 
that  sympathetic  interest  could  dictate  was  done  for  the  prince 
that  he  might  come  through  these  critical  years  safely.  His  body 
seemed  wholly  incapable  of  keeping  pace  with  his  will.  The  his- 
torians generally  agree  that  the  physical  weakness  could  have 
been  overcome  had  he  been  willing  to  submit  to  the  measures 
necessary  to  heal  him.  However,  disease  conquered, and  on  July  22, 
1832  he  died  of  tuberculosis. 

The  duke  had  seen  very  little  of  his  mother  and  even  in 
the  trying  months  of  his  illness,  she  continued  to  put  the  in- 
terests and  duties  of  Parma  before  those  of  a mother,  so  that  he 
received  little  comfort  from  her  until  the  very  last  weeks,  when 
her  mother-love  finally  brought  her  to  him.  However,  members  of 
the  Imperial  family  were  kind  to  him.  His  aunt,  the  archduchess 
Sophia,  took  with  him  the  sacrament  of  the  dying  and  told  him  they 
must  unite  their  prayers,  he  for  his  recovery,  she  for  her  approach- 


. 


♦ 

' 

«■ 

. 

■ 


-26- 


ing  confinement.  On  the  last  day,  after  extreme  unction  had  been 
administered,  the  priest  asked  the  duke  if  he  should  read  or  pray 
aloud.  The  duke  requested  prayer.  He  died  almost  immediately 
afterv/ard.  The  Viennese  openly  displayed  the  warmest  compassion. 
The  French,  though  conflicting  reports  are  given,  are  generally 
conceded  to  have  mourned  widely.  The  grandfather,  who  had  really 
cherished  the  boy  tenderly,  wept  bitterly. 

The  Austrians  were  accused  of  poisoning  the  prince. 
However,  a post-mortem  examination  revealed  that  one  lung  was  en- 
tirely gone  and  proved  that  he  had  undoubtedly  died  of  tubercu- 
losis. The  only  blame  that  could  possibly  have  been  attached  to 
the  physicians  is  that  of  not  having  sufficiently  emphasized  the 
importance  of  keeping  the  duke  from  over  exercise  and  other  re- 
bellious acts  which  prevented  his  recovery.  Accusations  were  also 
common  that  the  duke's  early  death  was  due  to  moral  excesses. 
Metternich  was  reproached  with  having  beguiled  the  duke  into  these 
excesses,  and  for  having  purposely  kindled  passions  which  caused 
his  early  decline.  The  testimony  of  his  best  friend,  Prokesch, 
and  of  his  tutors  belies  these  accusations  These  calumnies  were 
not  silenced,  unfortunately,  but  industriously  circulated,  despite 
the  efforts  of  friends.  Rostand  in  l'^iglon  has  drawn  false  con- 
clusions. The  affair  with  Fanny  Elsler,  so  often  spoken  of,  was 
apparently  pure  fiction.  She,  herself,  denied  any  intimate  rela- 
tion with  the  prince.  The  rumors  were  originated  by  frequent 

1 

visits  in  her  home  of  Prokesch  and  Gentz  who  had  an  office  there. 


1 

Gentz  was  a German  publicist,  imperial  counselor  of 
Austria,  passionate  enemy  of  Hapoleon,  and  an  instrument  of  Metter- 

with  JiisjEg.n _the, liberal  .aspirations  of  the  people. 


e 

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-27- 


1 


Prokesch  says,  "Natural  instincts  awoke  in  this  youth  of  twenty. 

He  often  spoke  to  me  of  these  feelings,  but  in  a tone  of  perfect 
innocence.  This  he  would  never  have  done,  had  he  known  closer  in- 
tercourse with  women.  He  was  strictly  moral.  He  had  impulses, 
nothing  more.”  Only  two  instances  are  known,  in  which  two  coun- 
tesses, whose  names  have  not  been  recorded,  fascinated  the  young 
man  by  their  beauty  and  amiability.  In  spite  of  this,  it  is  dif- 
ficult to  make  people  believe  that  he  did  not  indulge  in  excessive 
dissipation. 

In  the  tragedy  of  this  unhappy  prince  many  mysterious 
influences  played  their  parts,  all  of  which  combined  to  hasten  his 
end  before  he  could  give  proof  of  his  incontestably  great  mind.  It 
was  not  only  disease  that  consumed  his  energy.  His  health  was 
equally  undermined  by  a continual  struggle  against  destiny,  his 
false  position  at  the  Imperial  Court,  and  his  restless  yearnings  for 
action  and  renown.  A happy  and  active  youth  would  have  proved 
beneficial  to  his  development.  Should  he  regard  himself  as  an 
Austrian  or  as  a French  prince?  This  was  the  discord  which  so 
powerfully  agitated  his  soul.  The  struggle  in  his  soul  against 
destiny  is  the  dramatic  theme  which  Hostand  so  happily  seized  upon 
for  his  play,  1 '.aiglon.  as  a grandson  of  Emperor  Francis  whom  he 
truly  loved,  he  wished  to  be,  for  Austria,  a second  Prince  Eugene;  j 
on  the  other  hand,  he  was  continually  being  admonished  to  remain 
the  son  of  Napoleon.  To  emerge  triumphant  from  such  a struggle  he 

1 

Wertheimer,  p.  434. 


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. 


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needed  a stronger  and  more  resistant  nature,  one  not  so  sensitive 

1 

and  susceptible. 

The  young  Napoleon  was  never  in  the  affairs  of  the  world 
himself  and  never  accomplished  any  great  deeds,  yet  he  is  not 
without  historical  importance.  All  classes  of  society  looked  to 
him  as  a strong  bulwark  against  the  encroaching  ruin  in  political 
life.  His  death  caused  the  deepest  regret.  The  French  felt  them- 
selves face  to  face  with  a very  unsettled  destiny.  His  birth  had 
seemed  to  herald  a period  of  peace;  his  death  was  the  announcement 
of  a troubled  future,  heavy  with  evil  and  sinister  forebodings. 
Foresti  wrote,  "It  is  far  better  for  the  duke  to  have  died.  His 
entire  position  was  so  artificial,  so  constrained,  so  unnatural, 
his  character  so  perplexing  and  uncomprehensible , his  dangers  so 
many,  that  contentment  and  true  happiness  were  impossible  for  him 
in  this  life." 

1 

This  lack,  this  weakness  he  inherited  from  his  mother. 
He  was  thus  helpless  to  master  his  environment. 

2 

Wertheimer,  p.  438. 


. 

- 

. 


. 

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« 


IV.  THE  DUKE  OK  REICHSTaDT  III  ROSTaND'S  DRaMA. 

Rostand  prefaces  the  following  statement  to  l'Aiglon. 

1 

"Grand  Dieul  ce  n'est  pas  une  cause 
Que  j'attaque  ou  que  je  defends 
Et  ceci  n'est  pas  autre  chose 
Que  l'histoire  d’un  pauvre  enfant." 

This  "pauvre  enfant"  whom  he  chooses  for  his  hero  is  an  appealing 
figure.  He  is  the  son  of  Marie  Louise  and  Bapoleon  I,  the  young 
Uapoleon  II,  known  in  Austria  as  the  Duke  of  Reichstadt,  Franz- 
Carl-Joseph  Bonaparte.  The  main  historical  facts  about  the  young 
duke  are  practically  followed  by  Rostand.  However,  he  has  dis- 
torted and  misrepresented  historical  truth  to  some  extent,  and  has 
exaggerated  the  importance  of  the  duke’s  Austrian  heritage  and  of 
his  Austrian  environment  in  order  better  to  produce  contrast  and 
dramatic  effect.  For  the  duke  to  have  two  such  things  to  fight 
against  makes  his  soul  struggle  much  more  acute.  Rostand  makes  no 
excuse  for  having  thus  modified  historical  fact,  any  more  than 
Victor  Hugo  did  in  Ruy  Bias . 

"Qu'un  vain  paperassier  cherche , gratte,  s' informe; 

M§;ne  quand  il  a tort,  le  po&te  a raison. 

Mes  vers  peuvent  p6rir,  mais  sur  son  horizon 

2 

Wagram  verra  tou jours  monter  sa  blanche  forme." 

1 

The  date  of  the  play  is  1830-1832. 

2 

Lines  taken  from  those  dans  la  Crypte  des  Capucins  jk 
Vienne , following  the  end  of  the  drama,  p.  263. 


' 


1 


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' 

■ 

. 

t 

■ 


5 


' 


-30- 


Following  is  a summary  of  the  play  in  aots: 

I.  Les  Ailes  qui  poussent . The  duke  is  a virtual  prison- 
er at  his  grandfather’s  court.  Metternich  tries  to  keep  him  in  ig- 
norance of  his  father's  triumphs  lest  he  dream  of  greatness  and 
trouble  the  peace  of  Europe.  However,  Bonapartists  from  Paris  have 
gained  access  to  the  young  prince  and  conspired  with  him  to  seize 
the  throne  of  Prance.  Peeling  himself  not  equal  to  the  task,  he 
puts  them  off  for  one  year.  He  is  popular  in  Austria,  hut  struggles 
against  his  destiny,  broods  over  his  imprisonment,  and  dreams  of 
regaining  his  father's  power. 

II.  Les  Ailes  qui  hattent . The  second  act  acquaints  us 

further  with  the  duke,  his  aspirations,  and  discouragements.  He 
is  struggling  for  faith  in  himself.  He  had  been  forced  to  learn 
history  secretly,  now  is  granted  leave  to  read  freely.  We  are 
introduced  to  Flambeau,  a member  of  his  father's  Imperial  army, 
who  is  the  incarnation  of  the  duke's  pride  and  faith,  and  becomes 
his  faithful  ally.  The  time  is  ready  for  the  duke  to  go  to  Prance 

after  a year's  preparation,  but  he  delays  again  in  order  to  get 

his  grandfather's  permission. 

III.  Les  Ailes  qui  s * ouvrent . He  contrives  to  win  over 

his  grandfather  to  his  plans,  but  is  checkmated  by  Metternich,  who 
completely  destroys  the  duke’s  confidence  in  himself  as  Uapoleon's 
son,  by  conjuring  up  all  his  Austrian  ancestry  and  pointing  out  his 
inherited  weaknesses.  The  duke  has  had  this  opposing  element  to 
deal  with  from  the  beginning  of  the  play,  but  here  the  clash  is  very 

decided.  It  is  one  of  the  most  dramatic  scenes  in  all  modern 


. 

. 1 


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. 

. 

, 

' . ■ . 

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« ' 

■ 


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V ' 


-31- 


drama.  By  visual  means  through  the  mirror  in  which  he  contemplates 
his  face,  the  duke  is  forced  to  detect  the  resemblance  to  his  weak- 
ling Austrian  forefathers.  The  act  ends  with  Metternich  master  of 
the  situation  and  the  duke  rebellious,  the  victim  of  melancholy, 
and  physically  overcome  with  the  struggle  against  this  Austrian 
nightmare.  In  this  act  we  also  see  Flambeau.  He  is  played  oppo- 
site Metternich  and  works  upon  his  imagination  so  much  as  to  make 
him  believe  for  an  instant  that  the  real  Hapoleon  is  before  him. 

IV.  Les  Ailes  Meurtries . These  scenes  are  at  a masked 
ball.  The  plans  are  all  laid  for  the  duke’s  escape.  He  vacillates 
between  complete  discouragement  and  ambitious  enthusiasm.  He  sud- 
denly feels  his  cruelly  v;ounded  filial  love  reawakening  because  of 
his  foolish  mother’s  flirting,  and  finally  consents  to  flight.  The 
contrast  is  made  effective  here  by  the  play  of  Metternich  who  is 
exulting  over  the  fact  that  he  has  crushed  the  duke’s  spirit  and 
ended  his  aspirations. 

V.  Les  a-iles  bris^es.  The  first  rendez-vous  of  the 
flight  to  France  is  on  the  battle  field  of  Wagram.  It  is  here  that 
his  soul  rose  to  its  greatest  height  when  he  gave  way  to  the  intoxi- 
cation of  his  great  hope  and  wished  that  he  might  be  guided  in  the 
future  only  by  the  noblest  designs.  In  the  enthusiasm  of  his  sub- 
lime mission,  he  failed  to  consider  the  inefficiency  of  his  own 
self  as  instrument,  but  only  the  holy  duty  he  had  before  him,  that 
of  reigning  in  his  beloved  France.  However,  in  his  anxiety  con- 
cerning the  peril  of  his  cousin,  the  Countess  Camera ta , who  was 
impersonating  him,  he  hesitates  and  delays  and  is  overtaken  by 
Austrian  soldiers.  Alone  in  the  night  on  the  battle  field,  he  has 


. 

» 

. 

» 


' 

. 

• i i ■■  cos 

$ 

« • 


-32- 

a vision  of  the  battle  his  father  had  fought  there.  He  hears  the 
groans  of  the  wounded  and  dying,  and  is  overcome  with  the  realiza- 
tion of  the  cost  of  his  father's  imperial  ambitions.  This  vision 
Rostand  visualizes  by  actually  putting  it  on  the  stage.  The  duke 
begs  heaven  to  forgive  his  attempt  to  raise  again  the  standard  of 
war.  He  realizes  in  the  face  of  defeat  that  he  can  make  up  for  the 
failure  to  realize  his  dreams  by  dying  an  unforgettable  death.  He 

will  die  "de  son  ame",  "d'etre  Autrichien" , "d'avoir  6td  tud  tout 

1 

bas,  dans  trop  de  coeurs.”  The  figures  in  the  vision  crying  out, 
"Vive  l'empereur"  make  him  realize  that  all  was  not  paid,  that  he 
must  complete  the  price.  He  is  the  expiatory  hostage  and  offers 
himself  for  the  many  who  died  for  his  father's  glory 

"Prends  moi]  prends  moi,  Wagram! 

et  ranqon  de  jadis, 

Pils  qui  s'offre  en  dchange,  h^las,  de 

tant  de  fils, 

iiu-dessus  de  la  brume  effrayante 

oil  tu  bouges, 

El&ve-moi,  tout  blanc , dans  tes  mains 

2 

rouges  J " 

VI.  Les  iiiies  f erm^es.  The  eaglet  dies  in  the  prime  of 
his  manhood,  heartbroken  at  his  failure  to  imitate  and  avenge  his 

1 

1 '.aiglon,  V.  5,  p.  240. 

2 

1 '.aiglon , v.  5,  p.  240. 


, 

t ’ , 

t ' 

. 

I 


. 


-33- 


great  father;  dies  carrying  the  secret  of  his  expiation  for  the 
sacrifices  made  to  his  father’s  glory. 

It  is  from  this  great  spiritual  and  physical  combat  of 
soul  heritage  with  physical  heritage  aided  by  environment,  that 
springs  the  extreme  dramatic  virtue  of  this  character.  To  this 
inconspicuous  figure  in  history  Rostand  has  given  a magnificent 
r6le . In  the  duke  there  is  a dual  personality,  there  exists  in 
his  life  a mortal  combat  between  two  souls,  between  two  opposite 
heritages,  between  the  Habsburg  weakling  who  has  the  physical  at- 
tributes of  his  mother’s  family  and  the  aspiring  heir  of  his  father's 
power  and  greatness.  Physically,  the  Habsburg  side  wins,  and  his 
life  ends  in  failure;  spiritually  it  is  not  so,  he  dies  an  expiatory 
hostage  for  the  sacrifice  of  lives  made  to  his  father's  success. 

Legend  doesn’t  always  alter  fact,  ^.n  historical  person- 
nage  can  not  be  found  wholly  in  the  pages  of  history;  his  acts,  the 
reason  for  his  having  lived? must  be  interpreted.  That  is  the  func- 
tion of  the  dramatist:  interpretation,  as  opposed  to  the  historian's 
accurate  recital  of  actual  events.  And  so  in  1 '.aiglon  there  is, 
if  not  an  absolutely  authentic  and  historical  due  de  Reichstadt,  at 
least  the  Kapoleon  II  of  whom  the  people  of  Prance  were  dreaming, 
and  who  easily  might  have  been.  Rostand  caught  the  spirit  of  the 
people  and  has  given,  not  the  exact  facts,  but  the  soul  of  the 
situation.  The  youth  of  France  did  not  waste  their  ardent  worship 
on  the  poor,  weak  being  at  Schoenbrunn,  who  slowly  gave  way  to  the 
ravages  of  disease,  but  rather  directed  it  toward  the  son  of  the 
fallen  Emperor,  the  heir  of  so  much  glory  and  so  much  misfortune, 


' 

t 

I 


: 


* 


-34- 

and  to  the  cause  he  incarnated,  to  the  destiny  which  consecrated 
him*  For  though  he  was  the  son  of  Marie  Louise,  unknown  and  vir- 
tually a prisoner  in  Austria,  he  remained  in  the  heart  of  the 
people,  the  son  of  Napoleon,  who  was  the  son  of  the  people.  Ros- 
tand's character  is  not  quite  true  to  the  historical  character  of 
l'Aiglon,  hut  at  least  he  was  a possibility  and  a very  real  reality 
in  the  minds  and  dreams  of  the  people.  Frdddric  Masson,  the  best 
historian  of  Napoleon,  was  of  that  opinion:  ?%I1  faut  laisser  cette 

vie  au  myst^re  qui  1 * enveloppera  tou jours,  et  plutbt  qu'aux  indue - 

1 

tions  moroses,  croire  a oe  qu'ont  chantd  les  pontes."  Rostand  has 
brightened  the  duke’s  pale  face  with  the  halo  of  a victim,  a halo 
which  he  wears  always  before  those  who  believe  in  an  immortal  justice 
and  merciful  providence.  Ee  has  caught  the  soul  of  the  historical 

a 

phenomenon  of  Napoleon  and  has  increased  not  only  our  love,  but 
our  understanding  of  Napoleonic  history. 

There  is  no  psychological  development  in  the  duke.  He 
is  the  same  hesitating,  vacillating  youth  at  the  end  he  is  at 
the  beginning.  His  life  is  dominated  by  a strong  passionate  love 
for  his  father  and  an  intense  desire  to  rule;  although  he  has  very 
indefinite  ideas  of  what  ruling  involves.  Between  him  and  the 
realization  of  his  dreams  stands  Metternich,  an  ever  present  and 
all-powerful  obstacle.  The  duke  has  two  selves,  one  French,  one 

1 

Suberville,  le  Thdatre  Franpais,  p.  63. 

2 

Ibid.,  p.  66. 


e 

. 

t 

, 

, 

' 

. 

• ^ . . ♦ 

‘ 


? 


{ 


-35- 


I 

L 

Austrian.  The  conflict  lies  between  the  two.  Environment  aids 
his  Austrian  self,  only  his  dreams  and  ideals  make  strong  his  French 
self.  Which  will  conquer?  First  the  one,  then  the  other  has  the 
ascendancy.  Rostand  lets  the  duke  be  overcome  physically,  for  he 
dies  of  disease  and  of  his  struggle  against  destiny.  He  is  a fail- 
ure so  far  as  his  ideal  to  rule  in  France  is  concerned.  Spiritually, 
however,  he  has  conquered,  for  his  soul  has  risen  to  great  heights 
and  mastered  the  situation.  He  dies  an  expiatory  victim. 

The  prince  is  a dreamer,  subject  to  solitary  fits  of 
sadness  from  which  he  cannot  be  aroused.  To  his  mother  he  seems  a 
young  man  wholly  indifferent  to  everything — love,  nature,  music, 
art,  beauty.  This  is  not  an  entirely  accurate  estimate,  for  we 
see  him  later  deeply  appreciative  of  the  beauties  of  nature--the 
twilight,  the  birds,  even  the  flowers  appeal  to  him.  He  is  moved 
to  quote  poetry  and  to  admire  some  music  from  Beethoven,  apparent- 
ly he  has  habitually  steeled  himself  against  these  emotions  and  wil- 
fully kept  from  appreciating  such  beauty. 

”Je  hais  les  sons  et  leur  mystere; 

Et  devant  un  beau  soir,  je  sens  avec  effroi 

1 

^uelque  chose  de  blond  qui  s’attendrit  en  moi.” 

From  the  first  we  see  clearly  defined  the  struggle  between  his 
Austrian  and  French  selves.  He  is  always  on  the  defensive  against 
the  Austrian  weakness  which  he  has  been  taught  to  believe  he  has. 

His  mother,  superficial  as  she  is,  though  she  sees  how  he  feels, 


1 

l'Aiglon,  I,  13,  p.  17. 


. 

t 


-36- 

oannot  understand  nor  sympathize,  and  is  only  hurt  that  he  blames 

her,  his  Austrian  parent,  for  his  weakness.  He  is  gentle  with  her 

and  tries  to  comfort  her  and  soothe  her  wounded  feelings,  but  the 

lack  of  mutual  understanding  remains. 

Though  the  duke  is  being  cheated  of  the  truth  about  his 

father's  history,  he  has  found  a way  to  learn  it  through  Fanny 

Elsler,  who  teaches  him  chapter  by  chapter  what  she  has  learned. 

He  resents  keenly  the  secrecy  imposed  upon  his  father's  history. 

Likewise  he  feels  the  constant  surveillance  of  his  every  action. 

He  knows  that  Sedlinsky  is  watching  him,  and  rebels  bitterly. 

"Je  ne  suis  pas  prisonnier,  mais...voila  Mais...  Pas 
1 

prisonnier,  mais..."  Hot  a prisoner,  but...!  He  is  nervous  and 
easily  excited.  The  circumstances  mentioned  have  developed  to  the 
extreme  his  naturally  melancholy  and  brooding  nature.  From  the 
books  on  his  table  we  learn  something  about  how  much  he  broods  over 
his  lot,  and  of  what  he  thinks.  Such  passages  as  the  following 
have  apparently  been  read  often  and  pondered  on  by  the  young  duke: 
"Leur  haine  pour  Hector  n’est  encore  dteinte: 

Ils  redoutent  son  fils.— -Digne  objet  de  leur  crainte! 

Un  enfant  malheureux,  qui  ne  sait  pas  encor 


a 


Que  Pyrrhus  est  son  malt re,  et  qu'il  est  fils  d' Hector." 


I'iiiglon,  II,  2,  p.  70. 

2 

Ibid.  , I,  7,  p.  24.  a quotation  from  Racine's 
Andromaque , Act  I,  Sc.  4. 


' 


• • 

1 . 

• * ; 

-37- 

"H£las!  je  m'en  souviens,  le  jour  que  son  courage 

Lui  fit  cheroher  Achille,  ou  plutot  1q  trdpas, 

II  deraancLa  son  fils,  et  le  prit  dans  ses  bras: 

Ch&re  Spouse,  dit  11  en  essuyant  ses  larmes, 

J' ignore  quel  suce&s  le  sort  garde  a mes  armes; 

1 

Je  te  laisse  raon  fils..." 

"Courage,  enfant  dSchu  d'une  race  divine, 

Tu  portes  sur  ton  front  ta  superbe  origine; 

2 

Tout  homme  en  te  voyant..." 

These  passages  so  analogous  to  stories  he  has  heard  of  his  own 
condition  have  made  a deep  impression  on  him. 

The  duke  is  good  looking,  always  dressed  immaculately  and 
in  the  best  of  style.  He  is  popular  with  his  men,  popular  with  the 
ladies,  well-liked  by  all  — in  short,  a social  success.  Though  he 
receives  many  letters  and  much  flattering  attention  from  the  la- 
dies, he  is  generally  indifferent  to  it.  He  is  much  attracted  to 
Theresa,  yet  at  first  pays  little  attention  to  her.  He  is  fond  of 
Fanny  Elsler  and  shows  in  the  scenes  with  her  that  he  is  not  in- 
sensible to  the  charms  of  women.  At  one  time  he  puts  it  all  aside. 


1 'Aiglon,  I,  7,  p.  24.  a quotation  from  Racine's 
Andromaque , Act.  Ill,  Sc.  8. 

2 

Ibid. , I,  7,  p.  25.  a quotation  from  Lamartine's 
Detail  me  Meditation,  last  stanza. 


... 


' 


« 

_ 


".Faisons  de  l'histoire  et  non  pas  du  romanl"  *.t  another  time, 

at  the  ball,  discouraged,  and  intoxicated  by  the  music  and  his 

mood,  he  makes  love  to  Theresa  and  arranges  a rendez-vous  with  her. 

He  makes  desperate  love  to  Panny,  too.  He  had  come  to  the  ball  to 

seek  adventure,  to  crush  his  Austrian  lips  under  a burning  kiss  of 

love.  He  had  resolved  in  this  fit  of  discouragement  to  conquer 

ladies’  hearts  as  his  father  had  conquered  nations.  Suddenly  he 

saw  the  empty  game  he  was  playing,  j*  revulsion  of  feeling  came 

over  him,  and  he  was  his  best  self  once  more,  no  longer  ,?l*§tre  de 

voluptfi,  Ce  blondin  d'une  grace  perverse.  C'est  de  nouveau  le 

2 

jeune  homme  ardent  et  douleureux. ” 

The  prince  is  young,  slender,  and  blond.  He  is  pale  and 
wan  with  the  Austrian  pout  and  frail  physical  build. 

3 

"Comme  il  est  pale.  II  n'a  pas  l'air  de  vivre!" 

He  is  apparently  in  good  physical  condition  at  first,  although  he 
coughs  a little.  Throughout  the  play  we  see  this  weakness  develop- 
ing. His  physicians  are  anxious.  Precautionary  measures  are  taken, 
but  the  youth  rebels  against  direction.  Every  unusual  effort  over- 
whelms him  physically.  We  see  him  burning  with  fever,  fainting  with 
weakness,  and  we  are  not  surprised  that  it  leads  to  death.  The 

1 

1 ’iiiglon,  II,  6,  p.  82. 

2 

Ibid. , IV,  7,  p.  177. 

3 

Ibid. , I,  8,  p,  25. 


. 


' 


< 

* 

s’  • 

. 


- . 


t 


? • 


-39- 

Napoleonic  qualities  which  keep  him  in  rebellion  against  his  Aus- 
trian weakness  are  not  invisible  to  those  associating  with  him. 

There  is  in  his  bearing,  his  sparkling  eye,  his  forehead,  the  fury 
of  his  gestures,  the  general  intensity  of  his  energy,  much  that  re- 
minds one  of  Napoleon.  Rostand  makes  good  use  of  this  dramatic 
conflict  of  physical  heritage.  The  physical  contrast  is  best 
brought  out  in  act  III,  where  Flambeau,  dressed  in  his  uniform  of 
the  French  grenadier,  on  guard  in  the  prince’s  room,  is  surprised 
by  Metternich,  and  almost  succeeds  in  making  him  believe  the  real 
Napoleon  lies  asleep  beyond  the  closed  door.  Then  Metternich  in  a 
long  tirade  to  Napoleon's  hat  vividly  recalls  him  to  his  own  mind. 

The  scene  is  so  dramatic  that  we  feel  almost  a shock  when  the 
young  prince  appears  on  the  scene.  In  contrast  to  his  mighty 
father,  who  has  just  been  so  strikingly  presented  to  our  imagina- 
tion, we  see  the  trembling  figure  of  a too  slender  youth,  coughing 

and  tired  from  having  worked  too  long  over  his  books,  white  and 

1 

effeminate  in  his  Austrian  uniform.  Metternich  then  uses  his 
cruel  power  over  the  duke,  completely  destroying  his  self-confidence. 


Compare  Metternich' s remark  here  with  that  of  Hernani  in 
the  scene  before  Charlemagne's  tomb. 

"Hon,  il  ne  peut  que  ce  soit  lui  qui  sorte! 

II  ne  va  pas  ouvrir  lentement  cette  porte! 

C'est  le  due  de  Reichstadt,  voyonsl  je  n'ai  pas  peur! 

Je  sais  que  c'est  le  due!  j'en  suis  sur! 

1 'Aiglon,  III,  7,  p.  143. 

"C’est  bien.  J'ai  cru  d'abord  que  e'Ptait  Charlemagne. 

Ce  n'est  que  Charles-Quint , " 

Hernani,  Act  IV,  Sc.  4. 


t 


. 


! 


< 


f 


f 


-40- 


1 


In  the  famous  mirror  soene  he  shows  how  there  lies  dormant  within 
the  prince  all  of  Spain  and  Austria,  making  him  haughty,  sorrowful, 
yet  charming.  He  has  the  Austrian  sullen  face,  the  frail  tapering 
fingers  of  a Spanish  hand,  and  the  eyes,  the  hair,  the  complexion, 
even  the  lips  of  Austria.  In  mixing  oloods  Metternich  tells  the 
duke  he  got  the  worst  of  Austria’s,  the  racial  melancholy  and 
feebleness,  and  but  very  little  of  his  father's  dynamic  strength. 
Metternich  taunts  him  for  his  self-distrust,  for  his  being  intro- 
spective, languid,  melancholy,  so  wholly  unlike  his  energetic 
father.  We  see  the  duke  here  as  Metternich  makes  him  out  to  be, 
as  the  duke  himself  sometimes  fears  he  is,  an  absolute  contrast  to 
his  father  and  the  man  he  would  like  to  be.  At  the  end  of  the 
scene  he  is  overwhelmed  with  fear  and  doubt.  He  is  afraid  he  is 
really  this  Austrian  weakling  and  not  French  at  all.  i’or  the 
minute,  his  stronger  self  is  gone.  With  his  all-consuming  desire 
thwarted  by  Metternich,  and  his  soirit  broken,  he  falls  terrified 

and  fainting  before  the  mirror.  In  this  scene  we  have  seen  a pain- 

1 

fully  pathetic  picture  of  "un  enfant  trop  nerveux",  who  has  been 
broken  by  a spirit  stronger  than  his  own. 

The  duke  has  a vision  which  he  is  constantly  struggling 
to  realize.  In  the  first  act,  voice  has  been  given  to  his  most 
secret  yearnings.  His  aspirations,  echoed  by  another,  become  more 
real.  The  confidence  of  friends  and  sympathizers  produces  an  im- 
mediate effect  upon  him.  He  is  like  a mirror  reflecting  the  emo- 

1 

1 'Aiglon,  III,  3,  p.  126. 


' 


. 

< 

* 


. 


t 

. 1 


t 


I 


-41- 

tions  of  those  about  him.  Let  him  be  with  Prokesch,  the  Countess 
Camerata,  or  others  who  believe  in  him,  and  he  is  powerful,  ener- 
getic?, hopeful  of  realizing  his  dreams.  Let  him  be  with  Metternich 
or  those  others  opposing  him,  and  he  is  immediately  helpless,  quails 
and  loses  all  hope.  Only  rarely  oan  he  oppose  their  will  with  a 
stronger  one  of  his  own.  He  suffers  greatly  from  this  conflict. 

His  physical  self  is  being  well  taken  care  of.  His  physical  en- 
vironment is  comfortable.  He  is  lulled  by  music  and  much  attention. 
But  the  one  great  passion  of  his  life,  the  lack  of  the  realization 
of  which  is  killing  him,  is  not  granted,  ^t  times  he  is  buoyed  up 
by  hope,  at  other  times  he  is  overwhelmed  by  discouragement  and 
despair . 

The  first  time  we  see  him  aroused  from  his  apathy  and 
gloomy  melancholy  is  in  act  I,  when  a tailor  and  a dressmaker's 
model  from  Paris  reveal  themselves  as  fellow  conspirators,  who  have 
come  to  tell  the  duke  how  in  Prance  plans  are  being  laid  for  him  to 
escape.  The  duke  sees  in  this  restless  young  man  with  his  whole 
system  full  of  eulogies  on  Napoleon,  a counterpart  of  himself;  both 
suffering,  the  one  from  being  the  son  of  Napoleon,  the  other  from 

l 

being  the  son  of  a soldier  of  Napoleon,  the  latter  a representative  \ 
of  the  restless  youth  of  Prance  who  now  glory  in  Napoleon's  great- 
ness, exalt  his  memory,  and  dream  of  his  son's  succeeding  him.  The 
duke  is  observing  and  sensitive.  He  sees  here  only  the  call  of 
the  dreamer,  whose  imagination  has  been  excited  by  the  glory  of 
Napoleon  and  by  the  touching  fate  of  his  son.  His  cousin's  appeal 
gives  only  the  call  of  the  family.  He  is  inspired  to  hope  by  their 
plans,  but  he  wants  the  approbation  of  the  common  people  of  Prance. 


r 

. 

; 

, ' 

c 

. 

♦ 

' 

. 

« , 

c 

' 


-42- 


He  must  wait  and  work  for  a year.  Three  hundred  nights  more  of 
dreaming,  of  insomnia,  in  which  to  grow  mature.  They  tell  him  that 
gossip  in  France  says  that  he  is  not  young  France,  but  old  Austria, 
that  his  education  is  incomplete,  that  he  doesn’t  know  his  father's 
history,  that  his  mind  is  being  weakened.  Their  call  is  .just  what 
he  has  been  desiring,  but  he  will  not  grant  immediate  approval  of 
their  plans. 


touch  him.  His  hope  of  the  first  act  is  soon  dashed  and  he  is 
again  the  moody,  brooding  youth,  overcome  by  supersensitiveness 
and  gloomy  introspection.  His  brightness  and  cheerfulness  in  the 
light  of  expressed  appreciation  and  encouragement  and  the  outlook 
of  success  give  way  to  the  opposite  emotion.  In  the  second  act  we 
see  him  cast  down — -forgotten,  he  thinks.  His  home  seems  like  a 
tomb.  He  has  raged  six  months  against  his  prison.  ^11  history  is 
now  accessible  to  him,  and  he  has  more  freedom;  yet  he  is  the  vic- 
tim of  almost  complete  discouragement.  He  fights  desperately  with 
doubts  of  himself  which  Metternich  loses  no  opportunity  to  foster. 
His  impressionable  nature  offers  him  no  fit  weapons  to  cope  with 
this  insidious  enemy.  This  act  is  just  a series  of  incidents 
illustrating  how  he  vacillates  from  hope  to  discouragement.  Pro- 
kesch,  Flambeau,  Marmont , all  the  personages  in  this  act  help  him 
immensely  to  see  the  best  in  himself.  He  gains  confidence  and 
masters  his  weaknesses.  His  Hapoleonic  qualities  are  uppermost 
again,  he  is  superb.  He  feels  himself  delivered  ”de  ce  doute  de 


duke  is  but  clay,  molded  easily  by  whatever  hand  may 


I 


I 


« 

• I ■ i)  t ^ . • 

g 


• * 

. 


* 


-43- 

1 

moi  si  triste.”  Pride  and  hope  fill  him,  yet  even  in  this  moment 
he  cannot  suppress  wholly  his  melancholy  and  be  entirely  happy. 

”Eh  bienJ  moi,  sans  pouvoir,  sans  titre,  sans  royaume , 

Moi  qui  ne  sui4  qu'un  souvenir  dans  un  fantomel 
Moi,  ce  due  de  Reichstadt  qui  triste,  ne  peut  rien 
Qu'errer  sous  les  tilleuls  de  ce  pare  autrichien, . . . 

Passant  qu'on  ne  regarde  un  peu  que  lorsqu'il  tousse.' 

Moi  qui  n’ai  meme  plus  le  plus  petit  moreeau 
De  la  moire  si  rouge,  hdlasj  dans  mon  berceauj 
Moi  dont  ils  ont  en  vain  constelld  1 * inf  ortune . . . 

Moi  malade,  exild , prisonnier 

...  mais  «j  ’ esp&re  , 

2 

” J' imagine . ” 

That  doubt  and  hesitation  return  again  and  again.  He  wants  proof 

3 

that  ’’Tout  chemin  mene  au  Roi  de  Rome.”  His  strong  will  and  de- 
termination are  only  fleeting  glimpses  of  his  father’s  strong  per- 
sonality. 

Incident  after  incident  only  serve  to  intensify  the  com- 
bat within  the  duke.  He  gets  nowhere.  Here  is  just  that  baffling,  j 
heartbreaking  struggle  between  the  two  elements  with  first  one  up, 
then  the  other.  Confident,  he  broaches  to  his  grandfather  the  sub- 


1 'Aiglon , I,  8,  p.  90. 


2 


1 ’aiglon,  II,  9,  pp.  99-100. 


1 ’aiglon , II,  10,  p.  45. 


J 


< 

, , 


' 

. 

' 


. . 


ject  of  his  ruling  in  France.  Metternich  makes  him  lose  hope  imme- 
diately. Though  he  bitterly  and  sarcastically  upbraids  both  his  grand- 
father and  Metternich  before  he  leaves  them,  his  hope  is  crushed 
again.  In  the  ball  of  act  IV  we  see  him  again  vacillating  between 
those  two  emotions,  At  first  the  victim  of  a fear  of  the  insanity 

of  his  ancestors,  he  talks  in  a gloomy  mental  anguish  to  Prokesch. 

1 

Then  buoyed  up  by  "un  sursaut  corse”,  he  is  again  hopeful.  He  is 
even  strong  to  resist  Metternich  and  dedlinsky, to  be  haughty  and 
insolent,  a new  friend  is  gained,  his  courage  mounts  to  the  ex- 
tent of  defying  all,  and  he  goes  to  carry  out  the  plot  for  his  es- 
cape. On  the  battle  field  at  Wagram  he  straightens  up  in  strength 
and  pride. 

’’J'ai  vingt  ans  et  je  vais  rdgner! 

•••Ah!  mon  DieuJ  que  c’est  beau  d'avoir  vingt  ans  et  d’etre 
Pils  de  Hapoldon  premier! 

Ce  n'est  pas  vrai  que  je  suis  faible  et  que  je  toussa! 

Je  suis  jeune,  je  n’ai  plus  peurj  ! 

Empereur? . . .Moi?. . .demain! . . . 

i 

Ah!  je  la  sens  ce  soir  assez  vaste,  mon  ame, 

I 

Pourqu'un  peuple  y vienne  prier! 

2 

II  me  sernble  que  j'ai  pour  ame  Hotre-Pame  I . . . ,f 

His  physical  self  is  by  this  time  unequal  to  the  stress 

1 

jLVaiglon,  IV,  7,  p.  176. 

2 

Ibid. , V,  2,  pp.  214-215. 


' 


. - • - 


I 

. 

, 

• • ♦ » • • 4 

! 


-45- 


it  has  been  subjected  to.  He  is  exhausted  physically,  nervous  and 
trembling,  even  in  the  triumphs  of  what  seems  to  augur  success.  He 
is  imperious  in  delivering  the  command  that  the  countess,  his 
cousin,  be  treated  as  was  her  due.  She  expressed  well  something  of 

the  pathos  in  the  duke’s  personality  when  she  said,  ’’Malheureux  en- 

1 

fant,  tu  pouvais  §tre  un  chef,”  just  after  she  had  accused  him  of 
being  a temporizer,  dreamer,  and  cold  idealist.  Even  when  the 
Austrian  troops  come  up,  and  he  realizes  that  his  plans  are  finally 
forever  defeated,  he  still  is  able  to  come  back  to  reality  enough 
to  assume  command  of  his  own  regiment  as  they  march  up  before  him. 

Stiff  as  an  automaton  in  the  disinterested  and  mechanical  voice  of 

% 

an  Austrian  colonel  he  gives  them  their  orders  as  usual. 

It  was  not  only  personal  ambition  which  had  been  actuating 
the  duke  in  his  aspirations  for  the  future.  He  wanted  to  redeem 
his  father’s  honor  and  glory.  He  said  to  Plambeau, 

Hon,  ce  n’est  pas  pour  moi  que  tu  meurs, 

c’est  pour  luij 
Pas  pour  moil  pas  pour  moiJ 

2 

je  n'en  vaux  pas  la  peinej" 

It  is  on  the  battlefield  that  he  catches  the  vision  of  dying  in  j 

expiation  for  the  many  who  made  possible  his  father's  success.  It 
is  here  that  his  soul  triumphs  in  that  long  struggle  against  Met- 

1 

1 ’niglon , V.  4.  p.  227. 

2 

Ibid. , V.  5.  p.  231. 


. 

' 

. 

' 


' 

c 

1 

I ! 


* 


-46- 


ternich,  and  his  relentless  vigilance,  against  the  weaknesses  with 

which  heredity  had  endowed  him. 

The  last  chapter  is  just  a quiet  relinquishment  of  life 

after  a few  w'eeks  helpless  battling  with  disease.  He  is  gentle 

and  resigned  even  though  he  does  lament  that  he  is  praised  for 

drinking  his  milk  well,  when  he  would  have  been  praised  for  great 

deeds.  He  was  loved  by  the  women  as  "l" enfant  qu’on  plaint,  qu'on 

1 

gate,  qu'on  defend,"  because  they  understood  his  battle.  He  would 
have  preferred  being  loved  as  his  mighty  father’s  successor.  When 
they  hid  his  approaching  death  from  him,  he  said  simply  with  calm 
and  majesty, 

2 

"On  n’avait  pas  le  droit  de  me  voler  la  mort." 

He  regrets  sadly  that  history  will  remember  him,  not  with  a halo  of 
glory  as  a strong  leader,  but  only  as  a child,  "le  Roi  de  Rome." 

If  he  dies  unimportant,  at  least  his  birth  was  important,  ^t  the 
last  he  has  read  to  him  the  account  of  that  baptismal  ceremony  of 
such  vast  importance  and  widely  heralded  glory,  xxnd  thus  he  dies. 

-a  failure,  a weakling?  Bo^an  expiatory  hostage  to  live  always  in 
the  glory  his  own  imagination  created  for  him. 


1 

1 'Aiglon,  VI.  3.  p.  255. 


2 


-47- 


nM§me  quand  il  a tort,  le  po£te  a raison. 

Dors.  Ce  n'est  pas  toujours  la  L&gende  qui  raent. 

Un  reve  est  moins  trorapeur,  parfois  qu'un  document. 

1 

Dors;  tu  fus  ce  Jeune  homme  et  ce  Fils,  quoi  qu’on  dise." 


1 

I'Aiglon,  lines  taken  from  those  T’dans  la  Crypte  des 
Capucins  h Vienne ,"  following  the  end  of  the  drama;  p.  263. 


V.  METTERNICH. 


There  is  an  element  of  contrast  in  all  of  Rostand's  works. 
Playing  opposite  the  character  who  represents  the  ideal,  is  the 
character  who  represents  materialism.  In  la_  Princesse  Lointaine , 
Rudel  has  imbued  his  followers  with  his  ideal.  The  sailors  have 
infinite  faith  in  him.  But  the  doctor,  who  plays  opposite  him,  is 
a veritable  incarnation  of  materialism.  In  1 'Aiglon , the  duke  wins 
followers  and  believers  in  Prokesch,  Marmont , and  Flambeau  from 
among  those  with  whom  he  is  intimately  associated.  Opposite  him, 
however,  is  the  strong  contrary  element  embodied  in  Metternich. 

In  history,  as  we  know,  Metternich  dominated  Austria, 
even  all  of  Europe.  Prom  the  first  he  had  opposed  the  spread  of 
republican  principles;  he  had  been  an  inveterate  enemy  of  Napoleon. 
He  had  played  the  nations  of  Europe  against  each  other,  so  that 
when  liapoleon  lost  control  he  was  ready  to  assume  it.  It  was 
probably  he  who  had  realized  the  political  advantages  of  a marriage 
between  Prance  and  Austria.  It  was  he,  later,  who  directed  that 
Marie  Louise  and  her  son  be  brought  to  Austria  and  kept  from  com- 
municating with  Hapoleon.  It  was  he  who  removed  all  things  French 
from  the  environment  of  the  young  prince,  and  who  undertook  to  have 
him  educated  as  a private  gentleman.  As  the  young  duke  matured,  it 
was  Metternich* s one  idea  to  weaken  and  destroy  whatever  power  he 
might  still  have.  To  this  end  he  exercised  very  close  surveillance 
over  him,  although  not  so  unfairly  and  harshly  as  Rostand  relates. 

Rostand  portrays  Metternich  as  hard,  cold,  bitter,  un- 
relenting, all  important  and  sole  master  of  the  situation  at  Vienna. 


f 


. 


" 

< 

, 

< t 

' . 


-49- 


Eve  ry  move  of  the  duke  brings  him  into  contact  with  Metternich's 
opposition.  Throughout  the  play  he  is  the  key  to  the  force  that 
keeps  the  duke  from  realizing  his  ambitions.  There  is  constant 
friction  between  them.  In  the  first  act  we  see  Metternich  respons- 
ible for  censoring  what  the  duke  learns  in  history.  The  duke  is 
able  to  outwit  him  and  succeeds,  despite  him,  in  learning  the  truth 
about  his  father's  real  place  in  Europe's  history.  The  duke  found 
a white  cocarde  by  accident  and  learned  that  the  power  in  Franoe 
had  changed,  a fact  that  Metternich  would  have  kept  from  him.  When 
the  French  sent  requests  to  Vienna  that  the  duke  be  given  to  them 
as  emperor,  Metternich  played  with  their  messengers  and  did  not 
kill  their  hope.  He  advised  them  not  to  let  republican  ideas  get 
too  prominent  and  held  over  them  the  threat  that  the  duke  was 
Austrian  and  might  wield  that  power.  When  the  duke's  Austrian 
soldiers  spontaneously  gave  vent  to  their  appreciation  and  admira- 
tion in  a "Vive  Hapoleon"  Metternich  went  into  a transport  of 
anger.  Yet  he  boasted  of  having  the  duke  in  the  hollow  of  his 
hand,  just  where  he  wanted  him. 

In  the  second  act,  just  as  the  duke's  confidence  in  him- 
self seems  to  reach  a stage  of  certainty,  we  are  made  to  feel  his 
exasperation  and  resentment  against  the  constant  surveillance  of 
Sedlinsky,  who,  we  know,  is  only  carrying  out  Metternich's  orders. 
Metternich,  too,  in  person,  continues  to  make  friction  when  he 
orders  the  duke’s  toy  French  soldiers  to  be  carried  away  and  to  be 
replaced  with  Austrian  ones.  In  the  third  act  when  it  seems  that 


the  duke's  plans  are  to  be  realized,  Metternich  interferes,  over- 


. 

■ 

, 

I 


• 

• 

* 

t 


, t 


-50- 


turns  everything,  and  in  one  of  the  strongest  scenes  of  the  play, 
completely  overwhelms  the  duke  by  forcing  him  to  see,  visually,  his 
Austrian  weakness,  apparently,  the  duke’s  confidence  is  destroyed. 

Throughout  the  play  there  is  constant  struggle.  The  soul 
struggle  of  the  duke  is  repeated  by  his  actual  struggle  with 
Metternich.  Is  it  heredity  or  environment  that  is  actually  the 
cause  of  his  failure?  Certainly,  his  environment,  wholly  dominated, 
as  it  was,  by  Metternich,  bears  its  full  share  of  the  responsibili- 
ty for  his  failure.  It  emphasizes  just  the  weaknesses  which  he 
had  inherited  from  his  mother.  His  sensitive  spirit  might  have 
developed  differently  had  he  not  had  sucn  an  unhappy  childhood, 
where  every  detail  served  to  exaggerate  and  increase  his  weaknesses, 
rather  than  overcome  them. 

In  the  fourth  act  the  duke  is,  at  first,  the  victim  of 
complete  discouragement.  Metternich  has  the  upper  hand  and  exults 
over  the  fact  that  he  has  crushed  the  duke's  spirit.  Then  the  in- 
domitable Corsican  strength  asserts  itself,  and  the  duke  once  more 
defeats  Metternich’s  plans.  He  is  strong  again  and  able  to  continue  \ 
his  projects.  His  soul  soars  high,  only  to  be  brought  down  hope- 
lessly low  again  by  Metternich,  who  sends  out  the  Austrian  soldiers 
in  act  five.  There  on  the  field  of  Wagram  is  the  final  struggle. 

But  it  is  only  in  the  physical  struggle  that  Metternich  can  win. 

He  cannot  control  the  processes  of  the  duke's  spirit,  nor  keep  him 
from  realizing  his  soul's  glory  as  he  resolves  to  die  an  expiatory 
victim. 

Metternich  holds  unswervingly  to  his  purpose  throughout. 


I 


, , 

I 

* 

• 

' 

' 


-51- 

Ee  is  absolutely  impersonal.  Never  for  a moment  does  he  waver. 

When  the  emperor  shows  the  tender,  affectionate  character  of  a 
grandfather,  Metternich  is  still  only  the  hard,  cold  dictator  who 
will  keep  Austria  foremost  by  denying  absolutely  everything  to  the 
duke.  Even  in  the  end  he  still  does  not  relent.  Rostand  has  made 
the  duke  die  from  ’*son  ame”  rather  than  from  physical  illness 
alone.  Metternich,  asked  if  he  regretted  his  share  in  that  death 
said  only, 

’’Non.  J’ai  fait  mon  devoir.  J'en  ai  souffert,  peut-etre... 

C'est  a 1* amour  de  mon  pays,  et  de  mon  maitre, 

Et  du  vieux  monde , nue  j'ai,  Ma  da  me  , obdij...” 

"Je  ne  regrette  rien,  mais  c'dtait  un  grand  prince.' 

S 

Et  quand  je  m' agenouille , a cette  heure  en  ce  lieu, 

Ce  n’est  pas  seulement  devant  1 'Agneau  de  EieuJ”1 
That  is  the  only  redeeming  thing  in  Metternich's  entire  pitiless 
persecution  of  the  prince. 

Rostand  was  attempting  only  "l'histoire  d'un  pauvre 
enfant,”  not  an  attack  or  defense  of  any  cause.  Eut  he  made  use  of 
all  the  dramatic  elements  of  historical  contrasts,  by  emphasizing 
them,  even  to  contorting  the  truth,  in  order  to  produce  the  de- 
sired result  in  his  drama.  The  duke,  just  before  he  dies,  silences 
Metternich  by  accusing  him  of  having  used  him  as  a foil  to  increase  \ 
his  own  strength  and  power  in  Europe. 


1 

l’-aiglon,  VI,  2,  p.  252. 


, 


, 


-52- 

"J'dtais  votre  force,  et  ma  raort  voas  ddsarrneJ 

L'Europe  qui  jamais  n'osait  vous  dire  non 

Quand  vous  6tiez  celui  qui  peut  lacher  I'^iglon, 

Demain,  tendant  l'oreille,  et  reprenant  courage, 

Dira:  ' Je  n ' entends  plus  remuer  dans  la  ca gel"1^ 

But  after  it  is  all  over,  Metuernich  has  the  last  word:  "Vous  lui 

2 

remettrez  3on  uniform©  tlancl" 


1 

lViglon,  VI,  3,  p.  256. 

2 

l'niglon,  VI,  3,  p.  262. 


« 

. 


t 

t 

? < r 


VI.  HISTORICAL  NOTES 


(Figures  refer  to  pages  of  l'Aiglon.  ) 


4 Tiburoe  de  Lorget : can  find  no  reference.  Bombelles: 
(Charles  Rend  ,'*^com¥e  de),  chamberlain  of  the  Austrian  emperor 7 ’ " 
later  counselor  and  chancellor  of  Marie  Louise  of  Parma,  whom  he 
married  secretly  after  Neipperg's  death. 

7 4and Qr : can  find  no  reference.  ?balberg:  German 
pianist  (1812-18717.  Montenegro , Fontana:  can^TnTno  reference. 
FijRaro:  character  in  Le  Mariage  de  Figaro  of  Beaumarchais,  a drama 
now  used  in  opera  form,  music  Ly~lozart.  MettejrniQh:  cf.  p.  14. 
Vitrjolle s : a French  statesman,  associated  with  Talleyrand  in  the 
intrigues  which  were  to  bring  the  Bourbons  back  to  the  throne.  He 
aided  the  attempts  of  Mme.  Berry,  the  duchess.  Luchegse  de  Berry: 
energetic  woman,  the  wife  of  the  second  son  of  Charles  X,  mother  of 
Henry  V,  imprisoned  in  1832  when  she  attempted  to  raise  the  Vendde 
against  the  government  of  Louis-Philippe . 

8 Meyendorff,  Strauss : can  find  no  definite  reference. 

9 Gejitz:  German  publicist  (imperial  counselor  of  Austria), 
passionate  enemy  of  Napoleon,  an  instrument  of  Metternich,  com- 
batting with  his  pen  the  liberal  aspirations  of  the  people.  He 

was  for  many  years  Metternich^  trusted  adviser.  General  Belliard: 
a French  general  who  served  from  1796  through!832  when  he  died7^3ev~ 
went  through the  Napoleonic  campaigns,  served  Louis  XVIII,  was  named 
a peer  and  made  an  ambassador  by  him. 

11  Fanny  Elsie r:  a beautiful  Austrian  dancer  of  superior 
renown  in  her  artistry,  and  in  her  way  a veritable  enchantress. 

Cf.  p.  26  above. 

12  Fouchd , Joseph  F_ouchd , due  d’Otrante : famous  French 
statesmen  entered  political  lTfs" at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolution; 
was  Napoleon*s  minister  of  police,  during  the  empire.  He  was  in 
regard  to  politics,  by  far  the  most  important  personage  in  the 
reign  of  Napoleon.  He  was  naturalized  an  Austrian  in  1818  and 
died  at  Trieste.  Louis-Philippe : cf.  p.  15  above. 

13  Frangois- C ha y lee : Franpois-Charles- Joseph  Bonaparte, 
the  duke  of  Reichstadt.  abeille:the  ancient  Egyptians  symbolized 
their  kings  under  this  emolem.  The  honey  indicated  the  reward  they 
gave  to  the  meritorious,  and  the  sting  the  punishment  awarded  to 
the  unworthy.  In  the  empire  of  France  the  royal  mantle  and  stand- 
ard were  thickly  sown  with  golden  bees  instead  of  "Louis  flowers". 

In  the  tomb  of  Childeric  more  than  300  golden  bees  were  discovered 
in  1653.  Hence  the  emblem  of  the  French  empire.  lys:  lilies 

of  the  royalty.  Hence,  mention  of  the  bees  refers  to^ne  Empire, 

and  mention  of  the  lilies  to  the  Bourbon  dynasty. 

14 

- Ujgolore:  blue,  white,  and  red  banner  adopted! 


' 


- ■.  ' • " L 


• ’ • 


* 

< ' • - 

' , 


* 

. 


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. ' 


. 


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, 


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. 


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. 


-54- 

by  the  Revolutionists.  Cf.  p.  15  above. 

16  Lord  Cowley:  (1773-1847)  an  English  diplomat  and  ambas- 
sador at  Vienna.  Des  Grevedon  et  djgs  Deveria:  This  refers  to  Style  of 
clothing.  Pierre-Louis  Gr&vedon  ( 1776-1860 ),  painter  and  lithographer 
with  a great  reputation  for  his  portraits.  Jacques — Jean  Deveria 
(1800-1857)  drawer,  engraver,  and  lithographer. 

17  Violgt:  flower  and  color  were  worn  as  a party  dis- 

tinction of  the  Bonapartes.  Napoleon  I was  called  Father  Violet , also 
Corporal  Violet.  The  name  implied  that  he  would  return  to  France  frcra 
his  banishment  in  Elba  with  the  violets.  When  on  March  20,1815,  Na- 
poleon re-entered  the  Tuileries  after  his  escape  from  Elba,  he  found 
the  great  staircase  filled  with  ladies  who  nearly  smothered  him  with 
violets.  Every  mention  of  violets  throughout  the  play  brings  Na- 
poleon immediately  to  mind.  Cf.  note  p.  81. 

18  Les  Dgux  Grenadiers : a well  known  poem  by  Heine  (first 
published  in  1821)  on  NapoYeo^sliowing  how  popular  he  was  with  his  men. 
Lee  Ddbats:  French  newspaper  founded  in  1789,  today  defending  conservative 
republican  policies,  and  publishing  articles  of  literary  merit. 

19  Varidjtds,  le  Luxembourg,  le  Gymnase , la_  Gaietd , la 
Porte  Saint  - Ma  rUr^l'A  mbig  u^  Te  Cirque : theaters  in  Paris. 

20  1 ’Odd on;  the  second  Thdatre-Fran<?ais  of  Paris,  founded 
in  1797.  Henry"lT^(182'0~1883),  duke  of  Chambord,  grandson  of  Charles  X, 
and  only  KeTroT  the  elder  Bourbon  branch,  exiled  in  1830.  The  Roy- 
alists gave  him  the  name  of  Henri  V though  he  never  reigned. 

23  Lietrichstein:  cf.  p.  18  above. 

24  Androma que:  tragedy  by  Racine.  (1667) 

25  Les  Meditations:  by  Lamartine.  ( 1820 ).  iirchidudhesse:  arch- 
duchess Sophia, wife  of  .archduke  Francis -Charles,  (1802-1878),  son^oTTEmperor 
Francis  I. 

26  We r the r : a novel  written  by  Goethe  (in  1774),  a drama- 
tised recital  of  an  adventure  in  love,  the  main  events  of  which  are 
taken  from  his  own  life. 

30  Sand  a,  t_qj  Kotzebue:  Kotzebue  (1761-1819)a  German  literary 
man  who  was  much  hated  fcr  hlsveTie  men  t attacks  cn  all  liberal  ideas. 

Sand,  a young  student,  killed  him  in  1819. 

36  Thdophile  Gautier:  a French  poet  and  critic,  1811-1872. 

37  ]3©tit  habit  vert:  the  uniform  ordinarily  worn  by 

Napoleon  I.  * 

40  The  Countess  Nap,o  leone.  Came  rat  a : daughter  of  Elisa 
Baciocchi  and  niece~’”o1fNapoleon  I.  She  traveled  to  Vienna  in  order  to 
abduct  her  cousin. where  she  always  appeared  in  masculine  attire.  She 
succeeded  in  getting  letters  conveyed  to  him,  but  her  undue  enthusiasm 
for  the  duke’s  cause  finally  caused  her  to  be  ordered  out  of  Vienna 
by  the  police. 


. 


. 

« 


. 


■ 


< 


, 

-55- 


45  I*e  P&i  de  Home : title  conferred  by  Napoleon  I on  his 
son  the  day  he  was  born.  It  is  thought  that  this  title  was  given 
in  Imitation  of  Charlemagne,  but  Charlemagne  was  only  ’’patrician 

of  Home”,  never  ’’King  of  Rome”.  In  the  German  Empire,  the  emperor- 
elect  was  ’’King  of  the  Romans”,  not  ”King  of  Rome”.  This  latter 
title  was  expressly  conferred  on  the  German  kings,  and  sometimes 
on  their  heirs  by  a coronation  at  Milan.  The  German  title  equiva- 
lent to  ’’dauphin”  or  ”prince  of  Wales”,  was  ’’King  of  the  Romans”. 

46  Austerlitz : Dec.  2,  1805,  at  Austerlitz,  Napoleon  I 
defeated  the  allies  in  one  of  the  greatest  battles  of  history, 
thus  crushing  the  Third  Coalition. 

50  La  restaur at  ion  du  vieux  calendrier : republican  calen- 
dar had  been  adopted  by  the  Convention  Oc'fcober  5 , 1793,  and  had 
lasted  until  Jan.  1,  1806,  when  the  Gregorian  calendar  was  official- 
ly re-established.  It  had  been  voted  upon,  however,  Sept.  9,  1805. 
Tre&ty  of  Pres^bourg : Dec.  1805,  a very  humiliating  treaty  to 
Austria;  who  lost  30,000  subjects  and  large  revenues,  and  was  cut 
off  from  Italy,  Switzerland,  and  the  Rhine.  Bavaria  was  converted 
into  a Kingdom. 

51  Treaty  of  Tilsitt:  signed  July  8,  1807,  put  an  end 

to  the  wars  of  the  fourtiT'coaTIt  ion  against  Napoleon; re-established 
peace  between  Prance  and  Russia,  and  between  Russia  and  Prussia. 
Obenaus:  of.  p.  SO  above.  Rostand  in  l'Aiglon  is  false  and  unjust 
in  accusing  Obenaus  of  being  an  instrument  for  the  blunting  and 
demoralization  of  the  prince.  Nothing,  neither  authentic  testi- 
mony nor  fabled  calumnies,  attests  to  the  fact  that  this  tutor 
degraded  himself  into  the  servile  executioner  of  Metternich’s  de- 
signs. la  maison  de  Br&gance : the  expulsion  of  the  House  of 
Braganza  frouTTortugal  in  1807  by  Napoleon  was  effected  in  order 

to  satisfy  Godoy  of  Spain  who  promised  to  allow  the  Prench  army 
free  passage  to  Lisbon. 

52,  53,  54  Oct. ^6,  1805 : Napoleon  abandoned  his  mili- 
tary projects  against  Great  Britain,  broke  up  his  armaments  along 
the  Atlantic,  on  Oct.  6 crossed  the  Danube,  and  hurled  his  men  upon 
the  Austrians  near  the  town  of  Ulm  in  WUrtemberg  forcing  the  Aus- 
trian commander  to  surrender  with  50,000  men.  Murat:  a Prench 
general,  in  command  of  the  cavalry  at  this  time.  Sjmlt : General 
and  Marshal  of  Prance.  Napoleon  won  victories  at  Wert  ingen  and 
Augsbourg.  Nev,  due  d’Elchingen:  Marshal  of  Prance.  He  covered 
himself  with  glory  in^the  wars  of  the  Revolution  and  of  the  empire, 
especially  in  the  Russian  campaign.  Napoleon  continued  this  drive, 
and  in  November  took  possession  of  Vienna  and  resided  at  the  Palace 
Schoenbrunn.  Prom  Vienna  he  made  war  on  Italy. 

53  Deux  empereurs:  the  Austrian  and  Russian  emperors. 

54  Des  oadavres  flottant  sur  les  glacons  d'un  lac : refers 
to  the  struggle  at  Austerlitz  when  the  Austrians  retreating  over 


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the  thin  ice  of  the  lakes  at  Mbnitz  and  Satschan  lost  many  of  their 
men  by  drowning. 


57  Maobeth:  reference  to  the  soldiers  who  carried 
branches  of  trees  to  hide  their  approach; in  Shakespeare’s  Macbeth , 
Act  V,  Sc.  6. 

57,  58  le  ddcret : the  decree  made  him  Luke  of  Reichstadt 
at  his  mother's  desire  in  1818.  Ho  mention  was  made  of  his  father 
in  the  decree. 


59  Charles  V:  son  of  Philippe  le  Beau  of  Austria  and  of 
Jeanne  la  Folle,  daughter  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  of  Spain.  He 
was  King  of  Spain; and  emperor  of  Germany  from  1519-1558.  He 
inaugurated  the  Spanish  line  of  the  Austrian  House. 

60  Le  Pj^tgr:  promenade  in  Vienna.  J3ala:  S&la  Baganza, 

the  residence  of  the  dukes  of  Parma,  also  of  Marie  Louise  during 
her  reign.  Cf.  palais  de  Sala.  pp.  175,  176  in  text. 

62  Gazan:  Gazan  de  la  Peyri^re,  general  and  politician. 
Suchet:  Louis  Gabriel  de  Suchet,  Marshal  of  Prance. 

66  Sedlinsky:  Count  Sedlinsky  was  Prefect  of  Police  in 
Vienna.  — ^ 


68  General  Hartmann:  the  duke's  military  mentor  extolled 
for  his  remarkable  attainments  in  military  science.  Foresti:  cf. 
p.  18  above.  Plajju^s  <ie  Mgrie-Thdrfese  (Je  St . -Et ienne : order 
founded  in  Hungaryin  1764  by  MarTe^hdr^se — green  and  red  ribbon 
badge.  Lietrichstein:  cf.  p.  18  above. 


72  Prokesch:  cf.  p.  23  above.  Marmc^nt:  Marshal  Marmont, 
notorious  for  having  deserted  IJapoleon.  The  young  duke  was  at  first 
very  suspicious  of  him.  But  he  grew  more  confident  as  he  heard 
Marmont's  flattering  picture  of  Uapoleon's  life. 


78  a us  Berlitz : cf.  note  p.  46.  Jena : the  battle  of  Jena, 
Oct.  14,  1806,  resulted  in  a defeat  for  the  Prussians  and  a total 
collapse  of  Prussian  military  prestige.  BiLPthdlemy ' s celebrated 
poem:  "Le  Fils  de  l'homme”,  Paris,  1829,  fell  like  a bo  mV  sheYl~~  in 
lHie'~ heated  atmosphere  of  France  where  all  was  intrigue  and  con- 
spiracy and  where  the  mere  shadow  of  the  duke  sufficed  to  excite 
fear,  parle  de  Locuste : Locuste,  famous  Roman  poisoner,  instrument 
of  Agrippa,  killed  by  Galva  in  68. 

81  Parme:  le  pays  des  violettes:  Parma  grows  many  violets 
and  sends  them  to  France  where  Parma  violet  is  well  known.  Cf.  note  p.17. 

84  t oute  la  grande  armde:  Hap ole on's  army,  les  Marne  - 
lucks : soldiers,  formerly  slaves  who  became  the  masters  of  Egypt. 

They  were  defied  by  Hapoleon  in  the  Battle  of  the  Pyramids  in  1798. 


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85  Wag  ram:  cf.  p.  12  above.  Eylau : in  Feb.,  1807,  Na- 
poleon won  a bloody  victory  there  from  theliussians  and  Prussians. 
Essj^ing:  another  bloody  victory  here  from  the  Austrians  in  1809. 
Aspern:  marvelous  deeds  were  done  here  by  Napoleon’s  infantry.  At 
first  the  French  won;  then  the  Austrians  won;  Napoleon's  first 
defeat.  The  struggle  for  Aspern  and  Essling  was  one  of  the  most 
memorable  and  also  the  most  sanguinary  combats  in  military  history, 
le  Memorial:  MSmoires  of  Napol6on,  published  by  Las  Cases,  who 
accompanied  him  into  exile,  written  at  Saint  Helena.  Saint -Cyr: 
Grouvion  Saint -Cyr,  marshal  of  France.  Mol  it  or:  marshal  '*o*f~"£’rance . 
Henri  Ccmte  de_  Bellegarde:  Austrian  general?'^'"’'’" 

89  raguser:  from  Raguse,  alluding  to  the  treason  of 
Marshal  Marmont , duke  of  Raguse.  The  word  was  used  commonly  during 
the  Restoration. 

91  Flambeau:  a character  created  by  Rostand  to  represent 
"l’ame  populaire^,  a soldier  of  the  Empire.  The  duke  was  right  in 
eulogizing  him: 

’’Dans  le  livre,  aux  sublimes  chapitres, 

Majuscules,  c’est  vous  qui  composez  les  titres, 

Et  c’est  sur  vous  tou jours  que  s’arr^tent  les  yeuxi 
Mais  les  mille  petites  lettres...ce  sont  euxj 
Et  vous  ne  seriez  rien  sans  l’arm^e  humble  et  noire 
Qu’il  faut  pour  composer  une  page  d’histoire." 

l’Aiglon,  Act  II,  Sc.  9.  ce^  fameux  bpton,  qu’on  a dans  sa  gib erne: 
Napoleon  had  a mania  for  giving  new  rank,  for  creating  marshals  with 
a baton  as  their  mark  of  power.  The  above  is  a common  saying ;that 
every  spldier  felt  he  could  win  the  baton. 

92  Sous  les  ciels^  tx^pigaux;  the  Egyptian  campaign. 

Sous  les  neigesT^The  Russian-  flight . 


campaign. 


93  victory  at  Marengo  in  the  second  Italian 

June  14,  1800,  was  important  because  it  wa3  in  a measure 


the  consecration  of  Napoleon’s  personal  authority.  ]J_an_Y_I,  l’an 
XII:  years  in  the  Republican  calendar,  1798  and  1804.  Sans  Souci : 
royal  chateau  of  Prussia  at  Potsdam,  .austerlitz:  cf.  note  p.  46. 
Eylau:  cf.  note  p.  85.  Somo-Sierra:  a pass  in  thex«S^i  which  Na- 
poleon forced  in  1808  in""his  Spanish  campaign.  EckmUhl : here  Na- 
poleon struck  the  decisive  blow  against  the  Austrians^in  the  Rat is  - 
bon  campaign  in  1809.  Essling:  cf.  note  p.  85.  Wag.ram:  cf.  p.  12 
above.  Sjnolensk:  in  1812  in  the  Russian  campaign  ime^Russian  forces 
were  concentrated  at  Smolensk.  There  was  no  decisive  victory  for 
Napoleon,  but  the  Russians  continued  their  retreat.  Napoleon’s  de- 
cision here  to  follow  the  Russians  in  the  hope  of  winning  a decisive 
battle  was  perhaps  his  greatest  error  in  the  v/hole  war. 

94  Saint  Cloud:  a park  near  Paris.  Napoleon  had  a home 
there.  Marshal  Duroo:  Napoleon’s  Grand  Marshal  of  the  Palace. 


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95  bon  J3:  bon  bougre  meaning  bon  diable . The  word  is 

not  often  written  out  in  full,  but  is  generally  designated  by  the 
first  letter  only.  Solignac : I con  find  no  reference  to  him. 

Fournier- Sarlov& ge : aiTonicer  arrested  in  May,  1802,  for  conspiracy 
against  Napoleon.  Dialer:  Jean  Paul  Didier,  French  conspirator, 
beheaded  in  1816.  Var:  river  in  southeastern  France. 

96  Bdziers:  city  southwest  of  Montpellier  in  southern 
France.  Lef& vre^-15psn o ue 1 1 e s : a French  general  who  was  drowned  in 
1822.  Complot  de.  Vaumur:  can  find  no  reference.  Caron:  Lieutenant 
Colonel  under  the  first  Empire. 

97  Colin:  Cf.  Collins,  p.  18  above. 

98  Gobelins : celebrated  manufactory  of  tapestry  in 
Paris.  Fontaine  et  Percier:  Paris  architects. 

99  Henry  IV:  King  of  France,  1589-1610.  le  petit  Tondu: 
a nickname  of  Napoleon  II. 

100  Pont-Neuf : one  of  the  oldest  bridges  in  Paris. ( 1607 ) . 
NSpomuofene : Metternich. 

101  1 ’ambassadeur  Mai son:  Marshal  Maison,  representing 
Louis-Philippe . 

105  une  chanson  da  granger : Pierre -Jean  de  Granger 
(1780-1857)  popular  song  writer  of  France.  L’Aiglon  was  a subject 
often  chosen  by  the  lyric  writers  of  the  early  nineteenth  century. 
Latude:  an  adventurer,  lived  from  1725-1806. 

122  Lame.nnajs:  (1782-1854).  French,  philosopher  and  theolo- 
gian, passionate  partisan  of  the  Revolution,  brilliant  writer. 

Cha t e a u b r i a n d : (1768-1848).  French  writer  and  politician.  He  emi- 
gratelf^6ri7~92.  Under  the  Restoration  he  was  minister  of  foreign 
affairs. 

124  le  pix-huit  Brumair_e : the  day  Bonaparte  on  his  return 
from  Egypt  overturned  the  PirecYoire  (November  9,  1799,  year  VIII 
of  the  Republican  calendar). 

127  Pour  remet tre  a mon  fils  l_orsqu*il  aura  seize  ans: 
quotation  from  NapolYoii^swlll.  Many  people  were  charg"ecf"by  Napoleon 
to  give  a number  of  mementos  to  the  young  prince.  Although  they 
wished  to  do  so,  the  executors  of  the  will  refused  to  accept  them 
for  the  duke.  However,  the  duke  knew  his  father’s  intentions  and 
consoled  himself  by  reading  and  rereading  accounts  of  his  father. 

136  Raf f e t : 1804-1860.  One  of  the  best  French  painters 
of  the  soldiers~~o?"The  Revolution  and  of  the  Umpire. 

139  d’Aue^staedt : Bavout,  due  d’Auerstaedt , Marshal  of 
France  and  one '^T^apoleon ’ s best  lieutenants. 


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140  Artaban:  hero  of  a novel,  Clbopatre , by  La  Cal- 
pren^de,  a eharaptteir-wiio  was  very  proud,  Fier  eomme  ^rtaban  is  a 
familiar  expression.  La  Calpren&de,  novelist  and  dramatist  ("1614  -1663) 

148  Jeanne  la  Folle : one  of  his  Spanish  ancestors,  queen 
of  Castille  1504^1553.  Cf.  note  p,  59. 

149  le  Pyemier  Consul:  Napoleon  I.  SaLcurial:  palace 
near  Madrid  built  byPhTiip’”Yf'7 156  2-1584 ) . Comg_i^gne : chateau 
built  by  Louis  XV  and  remodeled  by  Uapoleon.  Marie  Louise  and 
Napoleon  were  married  there.  l^J:maisjqn:  residence  in  Paris  which 
was  the  home  of  Empress  Josephine,  first  wife  of  Uapoleon.  ^rcole : 
Italian  city  where  Uapoleon  fought  the  Austrians,  leading  his  men 
in  person.  (1796) 

155  Congr^s  de  V^rone:  Metternich  was  a bitter  opponent 
of  liberalism.  Luring  the  years  of  his  predominance  in  European 
politics,  he  convoked  four  great  congresses,  the  last  in  1822  at 
Verona,  where  he  prevailed  upon  the  plenipotentiaries  of  Europe  to 
authorize  what  amounted  to  the  policing  of  the  whole  continent  for 
the  suppression  of  liberalism. 

156  Michel:  Michel  et  Christine,  a light,  unpretentious 
drama  in  one  a oT^by^ug^ne  Scribe^  ( 1791-1861 ) , presented  for  the 
first  time  at  Paris  in  the  theater  of  _le  Gymnase  drama tique  in  1821. 
Hos^odars:  title  belonging  to  the  raahometan  lords,  a word  of  Slavic 
origin  meaning  seigneur. 

158  0an  i*ind  no  reference. 

159  Stieger:  can  find  no  reference.  Odiot:  famous 
French  goldsmith  and  jeweler  of  Paris  (1763-1850).  It  was  he  who 
made  the  cradle  for  the  Roi  de  Rome  after  the  design  of  Prud’hon. 

Cf.  note  p.  256. 

160  Mg^Mavel:  (1469-1527)  publicist  and  historian  of 

Florence,  a gre^tpa^riot  and  a great  writer.  Maj^is_vel  i ame : 
artificial  and  perfidious  conduct.  ^ 

161  Fanchon  la  Mielleuse:  Fanchon  la  vielleuse  was  from 
Savoy,  born  in  1^3fT*^ She  waswwelY~known  in  Paris,  for  she  played 
the  hurdy-gurdy  at  fairs.  She  inspired  a great  many  comedies  and 
vaudeville  acts.  The  difference  in  spelling  is  doubtless  due  to  a 
mistake  of  Rostand  or  his  printer. 

165  Rodolghe:  of  the  Habsburg  family.  Rodolphe  I,  em- 
peror of  Germany^?oral!273  to  1291,  founder  of  the  Austrian  mon- 
archy. Phllipge  Deux:  grandson  of  Philip  I and  Jean  la  Folle  of 
Spain,  Kingoi^paa^Tfr om  1527  to  1598. 

166  Dori  Juan:  legendary  personnage  who  is  the  type  of 
the  libertine,  the  seducer,  a man  who  is  rich,  proud,  impious. 

CjSs§£: Caesar  has  come  to  be  a synonym  of  a great  warrior,  of  a 
civilizing  conqueror. 


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167  Don  Juan  de  Mozart:  an  opera  in  two  acts,  music  by 
Mozart,  1787.  Strauss:  an  Austrian  composer,  author  of  many 
waltzes  (1804-18'^TTu*" tableau  de  Liotard:  Liotard  is  a Swiss 
•painter,  known  as  le  Peintre  Turc  because  of  his  long  sojourn  in  the 
Orient.  (1702-1790T. 

173  SjrI n t -Aula ir_ e : French  historian  and  politician, 
chamberlain  of  Napoleon  in  1809.  Later  he  served  in  various  public 
offices.  Thomire:  Pierre -Philippe  Thomire  (1751-1843)  a French 
sculptor,  employed  in  the  royal  manufactories.  Blois:  historic 
French  chateau  built  between  the  thirteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries. 

177  Jos>djohine,  la  CrGjgle:  Napoleon's  first  wife,  married 
in  1804,  divorced  in  1809.  She  was  born  in  Martinique  in  1763, 
died  at  Malmaison  in  1814. 

181  Hiejt^ija^:  a village  adjoining  the  park  at  Schoen- 

brunn. 

182  carosse  du  Sacre:  carriage  used  at  the  time  Napoleon 
was  crowned  emperor^ 

185  Eonnes:  from  Bertram's  superb  evocation  in  the  second 
part  of  the  opera^^oberjb  le  Diable,  by  Scribe  and  Meyerbeer,  1831. 
'*Nonnes , qui  reposez  sous  cette  froide  pierre . ** 

186  j^&cas:  (1779-1839)  French  diplomat  and  politician. 

Can  find  no  reference  to  his  having  been  at  Vienna.  Zichy:  pro- 
bably Francois  de  Zichy,  (1811-1880),  Austrian  diplomaTT“counselor , 
and  chamberlain  of  the  Austrian  emperor.  no'te  P* 

Josika:  a novelist  often  called  the  HungarYan'^QlTer  Scott.  Sandor: 
oan^lnd  no  reference. 

188  Raffet:  (1804-1860)  designer  and  lithographer  at 
Paris,  especially^noted  for  his  battle  designs.  Char  let : (1792- 
1845)  designer  at  Paris.  Told  the  story  of  the  Empfre^In  litho- 
graphs. Vernet:  (1758-1835)  French  painter  especially  noted  for  his 
pictures  oT^liorses  and  military  tableaux.  Guerre  et  viotoire 
Soj3ui*s:  can  find  no  reference. 

191  Stanislas:  a soldier,  character  in  Michel  et  Chris- 
tine. cf.  note 

194  Mina : There  was  a Francisco  Mina  (1784-1836)  who  was 
chief  of  the  Spanish  partisans  who  fought  Napoleon  I. 

201  Gotha:  annual  of  genealogical,  historical,  and 
statistical  importance,  published  in  French  and  German  at  Gotha. 
Cambronne:  a French  general  (1770-1842).  In  command  of  one  of  the 
regiments  at  Waterloo,  he  said,  ”La  garde  meurt  et  ne  se  rend  pas. n 


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202  PatjLgbon:  The  Ratisbon  Campaign  (April  19-23,  1809) 
was  won  by  Napoleon  against  the  Austrians. 

205  Philippe  de  36  gur : Philippe -Paul  de  Sdgur  (1780-1873), 
Prench  general  anlT'liist  orian. 

210  Grosshofen:  can  find  no  reference. 

216  Rov igo:  Rend,  due  de  Rovigo  (1774-1833),  Prench 
general  and  Minister  of  Police  under  first  Empire. 

217  fils  de  Pouchd : cf.  note  p.  12.  Goubeaux:  can  find 
no  reference. 

218  Pipnnet , Machin .Morchain , Guibert , Bprokpwski: 
can  find  no  reference. 

221  Mursrt_:  (1771-1815)  brother-in-law  of  Napoleon,  a 
valiant  general,  king  of  Naples  from  1808  to  1814. 

226  Peach: ( 1763-1839 ) Cardinal  Joseph  Pesch,  uncle  of 
Napoleon,  grand’^cliaplain  of  the  Empire. 

232,  233  Da v oust : (1770-1823)  due  d’auerstaedt , Marshal 
of  Prance.  Neusidel:  village  in  Austria-Hungary.  Resile:  (1775- 
1860)  Ifershaiolf^rance , distinguished  himself  at  Essling'  and 
Wagram.  Oudinot : (1767-1847)  Marshal  of  Prance.  Received  his 
baton  at  Wagram.  Macdonald:  (1765-1840)  Marshal  and  pear  of 
Prance.  Massdna:  (1765-1817)  Marshal  of  Prance.  Lauriston:  (1768- 
1828)  MarsliaY^and  diplomat  of  Prance. 

256  Prud ’hon:  (1758-1823)  Prench  painter,  cf.  note  p.159. 

257  Mme . Marchand:  a woman  of  limited  education  who  had 
charge  of  the  duke  of^ReT ichstadt  until  she  was  dismissed  with  the 
other  Prench  attendants.  She  told  the  prince  many  stories  about  his 
former  existence. 

261  Madame  de  Montesquieu.:  the  governess  of  the  young 
Napoleon.  La  Princesse  AlrCTranMnT:  Les  Comt esses  Yilain  XIV  et 
de  Beaveau:  le  due  de  Valmy:  can  find  no'"’re fere nee . 


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